AMERICA  AND 


THEORIENT 


IDNEY-L-  GULICK 


DS  518.8  .G2  1916 
Gulick,  Sidney  Lewis,  1860- 
1945. 

America  and  the  Orient 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/americaorientout00guli_0 


OTHER  BOOKS  BY  THIS  AUTHOR 

TJie  Growth  of  the  Kingdom  of  God 
Evolution  of  the  Japanese:  Social  and  Psychic 
The  American  Japanese  Problem 
The  Fight  for  Peace 
Working  Women  of  Japan 

In  the  Japanese  Language 
Cosmic  Evolution 
Human  Evolution 
The  History  of  German  Theology 

General  Discussions  in  and  the  Classification  of  Human  Knowledge 

Translations  into  the  Japanese  Language  . 
Personalism,  by  B.  P.  Bowne 
Christian  Theology,  by  William  Adams  Brown 


America  and  the  Orient 

our  LINES  OF 
A CONSrRUCriVE  POLICY 


SIDNEY  L.  GULICK 

Secretary  of  the  Commission  on  Peace  and  Arbitration  of  the 
Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 

Secretary  of  the  American  Branch  of  the  World  Alliance  for 
Promoting  International  Friendship  through  the  Churches 

Missionary  in  Japan  under  the  American  Board  since  1887 


Published  jointly  by 
Missionary  Education  Movement 
and 

Laymen's  Missionary  Movement 


NEW  YORK 

MISSIONARY  EDUCATION  MOVEMENT 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  CANADA 
1916 


Copyright,  1916,  by 

MISSIONARY  EDUCATION  MOVEMENT 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  CANADA 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

Editorial  Note  vii 

Preface  ix 

I The  Problem  i 

II  The  First  Policy 13 

III  The  Second  Policy 29 

IV  The  Third  Policy 43 

Conclusion  75 


APPENDIXES 

A Statistical  Tables  and  Charts 79 

Tables  Showing  How  the  Five  Per  Cent.  Restriction 
Proposal  Would  Have  Affected  Immigration  for  the 

Period  1911-1915 82 

Tables  Showing  How  the  Five  Per  Cent.  Restriction 
Proposal  Would  Have  Affected  Immigration  from 
Japan,  China,  and  Italy  for  each  of  the  Five  Years 

Indicated  84 

Growth  of  Immigration  85 

The  Five  Per  Cent.  Restriction  Proposal 86 

The  Five  Per  Cent.  Restriction  Proposal  and  Immigra- 
tion from  all  Peoples 87 

The  Five  Per  Cent.  Restriction  Proposal  and  Immigra- 
tion from  Europe 88 

Comparison  of  Actual  and  Permissible  Immigration..  89 
The  Five  Per  Cent.  Restriction  Proposal  and  Immigra- 
tion from  Italy 90 

The  Five  Per  Cent.  Restriction  Proposal  and  Immigra- 
tion from  Japan 91 

The  Five  Per  Cent.  Restriction  Proposal  and  Immigra- 
tion from  China 92 

B Bibliography  93 


V 


EDITORIAL  NOTE 

The  Missionary  Education  Movement  and  the  Lay- 
men’s Missionary  Movement  earnestly  invite  the  serious 
attention  of  the  constituency  of  the  Christian  Church  to 
the  moral  issues  and  questions  of  Christian  principles 
involved  in  the  relationships  of  America  and  the  Orient. 
These  questions  cannot  be  solved  by  diplomacy  alone. 
They  can  be  solved  only  by  national  application  of  the 
Golden  Rule  to  our  relations  with  these  lands. 

While  these  Movements  are  concerned  solely  with  the 
Christian  principles  involved  and  can  assume  no  respon- 
sibility for  specific  legislative  proposals,  we  urge,  never- 
theless, upon  Christian  citizens,  the  careful  study  of  the 
proposals  for  comprehensive  immigration  legislation  that 
have  been  worked  out  by  Dr.  Gulick,  and  also  of  any 
similar  proposals  tending  to  the  solution  of  these  problems 
in  a way  thoroughly  honorable  to  the  peoples  concerned. 


vii 


PREFACE 


A moral  as  well  as  a political  crisis  confronts  the 
American  people  in  regard  to  the  problems  raised  by 
our  international  relations.  What  is  to  be  America’s 
moral  response  to  the  new  world  situation  created  by  the 
European  Tragedy  and  the  Awakening  of  Asia?  Is 
America  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  the  old  world-order, 
which  bases  international  relations  on  selfish  interests 
and  brute  force,  or  is  America  to  lead  in  establishing  a 
new  world-order,  the  order  of  Golden  Rule  Constructive 
Internationalism?  The  turning  point  in  our  national  life 
is  at  hand.  Careful  study  and  prompt  action  are  urged. 

When  the  California-Japanese  tension  became  acute  in 
1913,  missionaries  in  Japan  sent  a memorial  to  the 
Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America 
requesting  that  it  “appoint  a commission  to  study  the 
whole  question  in  its  relation  to  the  teachings  of  Jesus” 
and  “that  it  seek  to  rally  the  Christian  forces  of  the 
United  States  for  the  solution  of  this  problem  and  for 
the  promotion  of  such  measures  as  are  in  accord  with  the 
highest  standards  of  Christian  statesmanship.” 

The  writer  presented  this  memorial  to  the  Federal 
Council  which  led  to  the  formation  by  the  Council  of  its 
Commission  on  Relations  with  Japan.  As  representative 
of  this  Commission,  as  Secretary  of  the  Federal  Council 
Commission  on  Peace  and  Arbitration  and  also  as  Sec- 
retary of  the  American  Council  of  the  World  Alliance 
for  Promoting  International  Friendship  throughout  the 
Churches,  he  has  enjoyed  wide  opportunity  for  addresses 
on  America’s  Asiatic  problems  and  policies. 


IX 


X 


PREFACE 


While  the  Federal  Council  and  the  American  Council 
of  the  World  Alliance  obviously  could  not  commit  them- 
selves to  the  details  of  his  proposals,  they  are  neverthe- 
less profoundly  concerned  with  the  general  ethical  prin- 
ciples involved  in  our  international  relations  and  for  this 
reason  they  have  given  him  their  moral  support  as  well 
as  an  extraordinary  opportunity  for  presenting  the  entire 
problem  of  the  relations  of  America  to  the  Orient. 

The  discussion  presented  in  the  following  pages  was 
given  in  brief  outline  in  an  address  before  the  Confer- 
ence on  International  Relations  held  at  Cornell  Univer- 
sity in  June,  1915.  A fuller  statement  of  the  argument 
was  prepared  for  the  proceedings  of  the  Confer- 
ence with  the  title  “America’s  Asiatic  Problem.”  That 
chapter  of  the  “Proceedings”  was  issued  as  a special 
edition  of  the  January  (1916)  number  of  the  “Interna- 
tional Polity  News.” 

The  title  adopted  for  this  book  more  accurately  de- 
scribes the  contents  and  the  method  of  the  discussion 
than  does  the  former  title,  “America’s  Asiatic  Problem.” 
The  material  has  been  carefully  revised  and  the  argument 
enlarged  and  strengthened  at  various  points.  Having  in 
mind  the  needs  of  classes,  the  arguments  have  been 
presented  in  broad  outlines  and  with  the  briefest  possible 
statement. 

The  writer  is  indebted  to  Mr.  Fred  B.  Foulk  for  the 
bibliography,  and  to  the  World  Peace  Foundation  for  per- 
mission to  make  free  use  of  the  third  chapter  of  the 
“Proceedings  of  the  Cornell  Conference.” 

Sidney  L.  Gulick. 


New  York  City,  May  i,  ipi6. 


America  and  the  Orient 


I 

THE  PROBLEM 

I.  Europe  s Tragedy  and  America’s  Awakening 

America  has  suddenly  awakened  to  the  character  of 
the  modern  world  situation  and  the  frightful  nature  of 
modern  warfare.  Many  believe  that  the  United  States 
is  herself  in  danger  of  being  attacked  or  drawn  into  the 
world  conflict. 

The  vast  majority  of  Americans  honestly  and  earn- 
estly desire  peace.  They  wish  peace  for  themselves, 
both  now  and  in  the  future.  Their  desire  is  permanent 
peace  for  the  whole  world.  They  would  fain  tell  Europe 
how  to  adjust  her  international  and  interracial  political 
affairs  so  as  to  provide  for  permanent  peace.  They  sug- 
gest, and  even  urge,  the  organization  of  the  United  States 
of  Europe.  They  proclaim  the  importance  of  the  prompt 
establishment  of  a World  Supreme  Court  and  a League 
of  Nations  to  Enforce  Peace,  making  the  armies  of  the 
nations  serve  merely  as  a world  police  to  restrain  and 
discipline  self-willed,  turbulent,  or  aggressive  nations. 

A considerable  section  of  our  most  prominent  citizens 
hold  danger  of  war  to  be  so  imminent  that  common 
prudence  demands  immediate  enlargement  of  our  mili- 
tary and  naval  forces.  National  security  depends 

I 


2 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


chiefly,  they  insist,  on  military  preparedness.  Others 
are  saying  that  permanent  world  peace  is  possible  only 
by  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  international 
justice,  and  the  only  hope  of  world  justice  lies  in  the 
establishment  of  a world  court  supported  by  international 
police.  They  accordingly  devote  their  energies  to  the 
discussion  of  ways  and  means  for  securing  these. 

The  writer,  however,  is  amazed  at  the  apparent  apathy 
of  all  in  regard  to  those  matters  with  which  we  have 
immediate  and  unavoidable  responsibility;  namely,  our 
relations  with  Asia.  In  the  establishment  of  world  peace 
we  neglect  the  pressing  duties  immediately  at  hand  while 
we  concern  ourselves  energetically  with  matters  relatively 
remote.  We  ignore  our  own  wrong  doings,  which  are 
producing  the  international  irritation  and  tension  which 
lead  to  war,  while  we  call  upon  other  nations  and  races 
to  deal  righteously  with  one  another. 

To  be  specific,  our  disregard  of  treaty  pledges  to  China, 
our  humiliating  treatment  of  Chinese  and  Japanese,  and 
our  popular  cultivation  of  anti-Asiatic  suspicion,  ani- 
mosity and  fear  are  producing  a spirit  and  an  attitude 
both  in  the  Orient  and  in  America  that  may  ultimately 
result  in  conflict.  The  history  of  the  rise  and  culmina- 
tion of  Europe’s  tragedy  throws  lurid  light  on  America’s 
attitude  toward  Asia  and  on  our  dealings  with  Asiatics. 
W’e  are  marching  steadily  forward  in  the  path  that 
Europe  has  trodden  for  the  past  fifty  years,  the  result 
of  which  is  the  present  conflict. 

The  causes  of  the  European  tragedy  are  now  fairly 
clear.  In  brief,  they  are  the  selfish,  national  and  racial 
ambitions,  aggressions  and  oppressions,  justified  by  the 
materialistic  theory  of  evolution  through  the  struggle  for 


THE  PROBLEM 


3 


existence  and  the  survival  of  the  strongest,  the  conviction 
that  might  and  need  make  right,  secret  diplomacy,  in- 
trigue, falsified  international  news,  cultivated  suspicion, 
fear,  animosity,  and  enormous  expenditures  for  mili- 
tary preparedness. 

Will  America  learn  the  lesson?  Will  we  learn  to  deal 
righteously  and  justly  with  Asia  and  Asiatics?  Will  we 
place  the  giving  of  justice  above  the  demanding  of 
rights  ? Will  we  regard  international  and  interracial 
righteousness  and  good-will  as  more  important  methods 
of  providing  for  national  security  and  permanent  peace 
than  the  building  of  large  navies  and  the  purchase  of 
mountains  of  ammunition?  Will  we  discover  that  armed 
peace  is  in  fact  but  a truce,  and  a truce  that  will  inevitably 
be  broken  when  the  time  is  ripe?  Will  we  learn  that 
enormous  and  increasing  armaments  increase  suspicion 
among  all  one’s  neighbors,  compelling  them  to  resort  like- 
wise to  the  same  methods  of  providing  for  their  national 
security  ? 

Has  not  Europe’s  tragedy  taught  us  that  there  is  only 
one  safe  method  for  insuring  national  safety  and  per- 
manent peace,  namely,  the  method  of  ourselves  deal- 
ing righteously,  even  generously,  with  our  neighbors? 

When  we  begin  to  seek  not  security  at  any  price,  nor 
peace  at  any  price,  but  righteousness  at  any  cost,  then, 
and  only  then,  shall  we  be  fairly  started  on  the  road  to 
permanent  peace. 

Americans  who  are  earnest  for  the  establishment  of 
the  peace  of  the  world  will  see  to  it  that  we  at  once 
undertake  to  solve  the  problem  of  our  relations  with 
Asia  in  the  only  way  that  will  really  solve  it.  Those 
Americans  who  do  not  interest  themselves  in  the  recti- 


4 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


fication  of  our  laws  and  of  our  treatment  of  Asia  and 
Asiatics  must  be  judged  as  either  ignorant  of  the  seri- 
ousness of  the  problem,  or  not  really  earnest  in  the 
establishment  of  world  peace. 

World  iMilitarism  or  Golden  Rule  Internationalism— 
these  are  the  alternatives.  Which  of  these  paths 
America  is  to  follow  is  the  great  problem  now  con- 
fronting her.  The  choice  will  be  indicated  by  the  way 
in  which  we  decide  to  treat  Asia  and  Asiatics.  Shall  we 
bring  our  laws  into  harmony  with  our  principles,  pro- 
fessions and  pledges,  or  shall  we  increase  our  arma- 
ments and  continue  to  disregard  our  moral  obligations? 
Shall  we  base  national  safety  primarily  on  the  size, 
wealth  and  power  of  our  nation  and  our  preparedness 
for  instant  conflict,  or  on  the  cultivation  of  interna- 
tional good-will  and  confidence  through  the  practise  of 
justice,  helpfulness  and  good-neighborliness? 

These  questions  find  their  immediate  and  practical 
application  in  the  relations  of  the  United  States  to 
China  and  Japan,  therefore  they  should  be  carefully 
studied  by  the  rank  and  file  of  the  responsible  citizen- 
ship throughout  our  land.  In  their  hands  lies  the  fate- 
ful decision.  Shall  the  United  States  promote  World 
Militarism,  or  will  it  lead  in  the  practise  of  Golden  Rule 
Internationalism  ? 

2.  The  Asiatic  Problem 

Who  coined  the  term  “Yellow  Peril”?  What  is  meant 
by  it?  M'hat  is  the  objection  to  the  term?  Is  there  any 
better  name  for  the  problem  indicated? 

I.  A Definition.  Let  the  student  try  to  define  the  term 
before  considering  the  following  suggestion.  After 


THE  PROBLEM 


5 


completing  the  course  of  study  let  him  again  return 
to  the  question  of  an  adequate  definition, 
j The  Asiatic  Problem  signifies  that  group  of  questions 
1 and  difficulties  confronting  the  peoples  of  Europe  and 
I America  due  to  the  adoption  by  the  nations  of  Asia  of 
I the  material  elements  of  occidental  civilisation,  and  their 
I entry  thereby  into  the  life  of  the  world. 

II.  The  Eletnetits  Distinguished.  The  Asiatic  Prob- 
1 lem  has  many  elements  which  need  to  be  distinguished : 

1.  The  Economic  Factor,  (a)  Through  enormous 
Asiatic  migration  into  white  men’s  lands  and  by  work 
at  a low  scale  of  wages  there  will  be  a lowering  of  the 
scale  of  life  for  Caucasian  workers.  “White  laborers 
cannot  compete  with  Asiatics.” 

(b)  Through  development,  with  cheap  labor,  of 
enormous  manufacturing  plants  in  Asia,  and  the  flood- 
ing of  occidental  markets  with  all  kinds  of  manu- 
factured goods  “made  in  Asia”  cheaper  than  we  can 
possibly  produce  them  in  the  west,  our  manufacturers 
and  laboring  classes  will  be  hopelessly  ruined. 

2.  The  Military  Factor,  (a)  Through  the  adoption 
by  Japan  and  China  of  occidental  science  and  espe- 
cially of  military  and  naval  machinery  and  methods, 
Asiatics  are  becoming  our  equals  in  warfare. 

(b)  By  their  military  power  Asiatics  will  be  increas- 
ingly able  to  dispute  the  supremacy  of  the  white  races 
and  will  compel  them  to  surrender  special  privileges  and 
rights  acquired  and  long  held  in  Asia  by  military  superi- 
ority. 

(c)  Because  of  her  enormous  population,  Asia  when 
educated,  armed  and  united,  will  be  able  to  overwhelm 
the  white  people  even  in  their  own  lands.  Asia’s  enor- 


6 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


mous  fecundity  and  reckless  disregard  of  life  will  enable 
her  to  raise  such  enormous  armies  and  navies  as  to 
render  successful  competition  impossible  by  the  nations 
of  the  West. 

3.  The  Racial  Factor.  Asiatic  blood,  brains  and  civil- 
ization are  inherently  inferior  to  those  of  the  white 
races.  They  are  moreover  completely  unassimilable. 
An  Asiatic  is  always  Asiatic  in  ideas,  ideals,  motives 
and  character,  and  cannot  possibly  become  Caucasian. 
The  intermarriage  of  Caucasians  and  Asiatics  is  abhor- 
rent ; the  offspring  are  mongrels,  inheriting  the  bad  qual- 
ities of  both  races,  the  good  qualities  of  neither.  All 
offspring,  moreover,  seeing  they  have  Asiatic  blood,  are 
essentially  Asiatic.  The  supremacy  of  Asiatics  through 
low  economic  standards  and  bare  military  force  will 
mean  the  jncursion  into  the  white  man’s  land  of  millions 
of  Asiatics.  This  will  inevitably  not  only  reduce  the 
western  scale  of  life  but  will  also  render  inevitable  wide 
intermarriage  of  Asiatics  and  Caucasians,  insuring  thus 
the  final  downfall  of  the  white  man  with  his  civilization 
and  the  complete  Asiatization  of  the  world. 

The  above  are  the  factors  usually  urged.  They 
deserve  careful  study.  Are  they  unadulterated  truth 
or  do  they  contain  also  elements  of  error?  If  the  latter, 
how  much  is  true  and  how  much  false? 

4.  The  Moral  Factor,  (a)  How  have  the  advanced 
and  powerful  nations  of  the  West  been  treating  the 
nations  and  races  of  Asia?  Have  they  been  solicitous 
for  righteousness  and  justice?  In  seeking  their  own 
advantage  have  they  also  sought  the  advantage  of 


THE  PROBLEM 


7 


le  Asiatics?  Have  Asiatics  been  justified  in  resenting  and 
to  resisting  the  advance  of  occidental  peoples?  Has  there 
,j  been  in  Asia  anything  that  may  be  rightly  called  the 
“White  Peril”?  Has  the  sovereignty  of  Asiatic  nations 
il-  been  invaded?  Has  advantage  been  taken  of  their 
le  weakness  or  inexperience?  Have  treaties  been  faith- 
e,  fully  observed?  Have  European  and  American  traders 
es  and  governments  practised  the  “Golden  Rule”?  Have 
n,  not  Asiatics  been  ruthlessly  exploited,  economically, 
r-  commercially,  politically?  And  what  is  to  be  said  of 
:■  the  sexual  immorality  of  white  men  in  Asia? 

II  In  what  sense,  if  any,  have  the  white  nations  a “right” 
re  to  the  natural  resources  of  Asia?  In  view  of  the  count- 
;h  less  temptations  into  which  white  men  have  fallen  in 
ill  their  dealings  with  Asiatics  are  we  justified  in  speak- 
ing  of  a Moral  Peril  involved  in  our  Asiatic  relations? 
le  (b)  What  treaty-provisions  has  America  made  with 
it  China  and  Japan?  Has  America  faithfully  kept  those 
:i  treaty  pledges?  Have  Congress  and  the  United  States 
a Supreme  Court  and  the  Presidents  of  the  successive 
administrations  been  faithful  to  their  respective  duties 
in  the  matter  of  treaty  observance? 

(c)  Is  not  the  most  ominous  “Yellow  Peril”  to-day, 
,|j  and  the  only  one  actually  existing,  the  sensation-loving 
, public  catered  to  by  the  sensational  press?  Interna- 
tional falsehoods  seem  to  be  deliberately  cultivated. 
Consider  how  the  economic  interests  of  many  groups 
^ of  Americans  are  advanced  by  widely  promulgated  and 
,e  generally  accepted  war-scare  stories,  such  as  manufac- 
]S  turers  of  guns,  ammunition,  steel  plate  armor;  caterers  to 
u Army  and  Navy;  manufacturers  and  contractors  for  all 
jf  kinds  of  material  used  in  the  army  and  navy. 


8 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIExNT 


Consider  how  war-scare  stories  have  been  periodically 
circulated  when  Congress  is  asked  to  vote  army  and 
navy  appropriations.  Consider  how  eagerly  people  read 
the  sensational  story  and  how  difficult  it  is  to  get  a full 
statement  of  the  sober  facts  into  the  daily  press. 

Investigate  the  facts  of  the  following  war-scare  stories : 

Japanese  plans  for  acquisition  of  Magdalena  Bay. 

Japanese  secret  treaty  with  IMexico  and  sale  to  Mexico 
of  arms. 

Japanese  occupation  of  Turtle  Bay. 

Japanese  old  soldiers  in  California  armed,  organized 
and  drilling. 

Japanese  purchase  of  lots  in  the  vicinity  of  Dupont 
Powder  Works. 

Japanese  spies  in  the  United  States,  photographing, 
surveying,  sounding  harbors,  etc. 

Japanese  plans  for  the  acquisition  of  California, 
Alaska,  etc. 

Japanese  designs  on  Hawaii  and  the  Philippines. 

Find  the  German  Cartoon  on  the  “Yellow  Peril’’  and 
the  Japanese  reply  cartoon.  (See  Reference  Literature.) 

A serious  problem  is  evidently  arising  between  the  East 
and  the  West.  Whether  the  above  named  widely  circu- 
lated stories  are  true  or  false,  they  are  popularly  accepted, 
and  that  acceptance  is  causing  a serious  psychological 
situation  with  considerable  international  tension.  Tension 
and  mutual  suspicion  seem  to  be  growing  both  in 
America  and  in  Japan.  China  as  yet  is  not  much  feared, 
but  this  is  because  she  has  not  yet  developed  her  arma- 
ments to  the  degree  that  Japan  has,  nor  has  the  Chinese 
nation  attained  national  self-consciousness  to  any  great 
degree.  These,  however,  will  come  as  surely  as  sunrise 


THE  PROBLEM 


9 


follows  the  dawn.  Asia  is  awaking.  Napoleon  described 
Asia  as  a sleeping  giant.  “Let  her  sleep,”  he  said;  “for 
when  Asia  awakes  she  will  shake  the  world.”  Does  not 
that  depend  on  the  spirit  that  rules  her?  And  does  not 
that  spirit  depend  on  the  kind  of  treatment  she  receives 
from  the  white  man? 

Stated  in  the  briefest  terms,  the  problem  is  to  adjust 
the  relations  of  the  great  nations  of  the  East  and  the 
West  in  such  ways  that  their  new  contact  shall  be 
mutually  advantageous  rather  than  disastrous. 

Three  distinct  policies  may  be  distinguished  among 
the  proposals  that  are  now  urged  by  which  to  meet  the 
Asiatic  “menace.”  The  respective  merits  and  defects 
of  these  policies  should  be  widely  studied  and  under- 
stood, for  in  the  final  solution  of  the  whole  problem, 
so  far  as  America  is  concerned,  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
responsible  citizenship  is  vitally  involved.  In  their  hands 
lies  the  decision.  The  consequences  of  this  decision  will 
affect  in  a vital  way,  for  weal  or  for  wo,  the  whole 
nation  and  every  individual  in  it. 

REFERENCE  LITERATURE  ON  CHAPTER  I 

For  a general  survey  of  important  reference  literature  see 
General  Bibl'ography  at  the  close  of  the  book. 

For  a more  adequate  treatment  of  the  subject  matter  touched 
upon  in  this  chapter  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  following 
books. 

Gulick,  The  Fight  for  Peace  (1915).  Chapters  I-V,  IX  and 
XVIII. 

Lynch,  The  Last  War  (1915). 

Jefferson,  Christianity  and  War  (1915). 

Ainslie,  Christ  or  Napoleon.  Which?  (1914). 

In  regard  to  the  literature  suggested  for  each  chapter  and  in 
the  bibliographies  at  the  end  of  the  book  the  student  should 


lO 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


remember  that  not  only  are  books  and  articles  listed  that  support 
the  contentions  of  the  text  but  the  strongest  of  those  that  present 
opposing  views  and  contentions  are  also  included. 

For  Emperor  William’s  cartoon  “The  Yellow  Peril,”  and  the 
Japanese  response  cartoon  “The  German  Peril,”  cf.  “The  Sunset 
Magazine,”  January,  1915. 

To  aid  in  definition  of  the  Asiatic  Problem  see  the  statements 
made  by  various  writers  in  “Annals  of  the  American  Academy 
of  Political  and  Social  Science,”  September,  1909. 

Gulick,  The  American  Japanese  Problem.  Chapters  I-IV 
and  XI-XV. 

Gulick,  The  Fight  for  Peace.  Chapters  IX,  X. 

An  adequate  investigation  of  the  Asiatic  Problem  should  in- 
clude careful  study  of  the  treaties.  Pertinent  extracts  of  these 
are  given  in  the  Appendix  of  The  American  Japanese  Problem. 

For  the  treatment  experienced  by  Chinese  in  America  and  for 
a full  statement  of  the  treaty  infringements  of  American  Chinese 
exclusion  legislation  see  Chinese  Immigration. 

For  a list  of  recent  magazine  articles  pro  and  anti  Japanese, 
evoked  by  California’s  Anti-Alien  Land  Legislation,  see  Appendix 
of  The  American  Japanese  Problem,  314. 

For  a sober  statement  of  the  situation  of  Japanese  in  America 
and  the  problems  created  thereby,  from  the  standpoint  of  a 
Japanese  educated  in  America,  see  Kawakami,  Asia  at  the  Door. 

For  a scientific  statement  regarding  Japanese  agricultural 
and  other  workers  in  the  United  States  see  The  Japanese  Problem 
in  the  United  States.  This  work  is  a report  of  an  investigation 
undertaken  by  its  author.  Prof.  H.  A.  Millis,  at  the  request  of 
the  Commission  on  Relations  with  Japan  of  the  Federal  Council 
of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America.  The  author  is  Professor 
of  Economics  in  the  University  of  Kansas. 

For  a study  of  the  question  of  Race  Assimilation,  see  The 
American  Japanese  Problem,  Chapters  VII-IX.  A briefer  state- 
ment of  the  same  position  is  given  in  The  Fight  for  Peace, 
chapter  XL 

For  facts  on  occidental  aggressions  in  the  Far  East,  see  the 
White  Peril  in  the  Far  East,  also  the  The  American  Japanese 
Problem,  chapter  XIII. 


THE  PROBLEM 


II 


As  to  the  War-Scare  Stories  and  their  refutations  there  is 
urgent  need  of  an  adequate  work  giving  a collection  of  both 
Japanese-American  and  American-Japanese  stories.  The  absurd- 
ity of  most  of  the  Japanese  spy  stories  is  manifest  on  their  face. 
Why  take  soundings  of  American  harbors  when  they  are  accur- 
ately recorded  in  easily  purchasable  nautical  books?  And  why 
take  extensive  landscape  photographs  when  they  may  be  easily 
bought?  As  for  Japanese  soldiers  in  America  armed  and  drilling 
see  The  American  Japanese  Problem,  pp.  8o  and  88.  For  the 
stories  about  Magdalena  and  Turtle  Bay  see  the  magazines  of 
recent  years.  In  regard  to  the  war-scare  statements  that  German 
or  Japanese  army  authorities  have  carefully  prepared  plans  for 
attacking  this  or  that  American  port,  the  students  should  call 
to  mind  the  fact  that  it  is  the  business  of  military  and  naval 
officers  of  every  land  to  draw  up  specific  plans  for  repelling  or 
attacking  various  imaginary  foes. 


•II 


THE  FIRST  POLICY 

I.  White  Race  World  Supremacy 

The  first  and  most  vociferously  advocated  policy  for 
meeting  the  Asiatic  Problem,  commonly  called  by  this 
group  the  “Yellow  Peril,”  is  that  which  emphasizes  the 
military,  economic  and  racial  factors  of  the  problem. 
It  sees  no  alternative  but  white  race  world  supremacy, 
through  superior  military  might  exercised  promptly,  or 
final  and  complete  overthrow  of  the  white  race  and  its 
civilization  by  a completely  victorious  and  overwhelm- 
ing Asiatic  invasion.  “World  supremacy  for  the  white 
man  or  his  downfall”  is  the  vision  of  those  who  advocate 
this  first  policy. 

The  avowed  purpose  of  this  group,  therefore,  is  to 
maintain  the  race  purity  and  the  economic  and  military 
world  supremacy  of  the  white  man.  They  would  secure 
these  ends : 

1.  Through  complete  exclusion  of  all  Asiatic  labor, 
from  lands  now  in  possession  of  white  nations  and  thus 
prevent  direct  economic  competition. 

2.  Through  high  protective  tariff  they  would  exclude 
all  cheap  manufactured  articles  that  in  any  way  compete 
with  Caucasian-made  articles.  Thus  they  would  prevent 
indirect  economic  competition. 

3.  Through  military  and  naval  force  they  would  retain. 


13 


14 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


and  even  increase,  the  white  man’s  hold  on  Asiatic  ter- 
ritory. This  would  enable  the  white  nations  to  suppress 
at  the  start  dangerous  Asiatic  military  and  naval  plans 
and  movements. 

4.  Through  possession  by  'occidentals,  so  far  as  pos- 
sible, of  Asiatic  natural  resources,  mineral  wealth  and 
railroad  concessions  they  would  provide  for  ownership 
by  the  white  races  of  the  wealth  of  the  world. 

5.  By  keeping  from  Asiatics,  so  far  as  possible,  knowl- 
edge of  the  latest  occidental  military  and  naval  inven- 
tions they  would  keep  them  in  complete  military  infer- 
iority, whatever  might  be  their  numbers. 

6.  Through  legislation  forbidding  intermarriage  of 
Caucasians  with  Asiatics  they  would  maintain  the  purity 
of  Caucasian  blood  and  heredity. 

In  general,  those  who  advocate  the  above  policies 
regard  the  white  man  as  intrinsically  superior  to  every 
other  race  and  therefore  as  endowed  with  special  divine 
right  to  rule  the  world;  it  is  quite  right  for  him  to  seize 
its  wealth  and  by  force  to  keep  all  other  races  in  the 
position  of  economic,  military  and  political  inferiority. 
The  “manifest  destiny”  of  the  other  races  is  to  serve  as 
“hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water.”  They  are  to 
live  and  labor  for  the  benefit  of  the  white  race.  The 
white  man  is  a privileged  individual.  The  essential 
superiority  of  the  white  man  is  proven  by  the  color  of 
his  skin,  the  vigor  of  the  defense  of  his  rights  and  honor, 
and  the  character  of  his  civilization. 

2.  Effects  of  the  Eirst  Policy  on  the  White  Race 

Before  attempting  to  make  a critical  estimate  of  the 
policy  outlined  above,  it  will  be  well  to  consider  the 


THE  FIRST  POLICY 


15 


effects  of  such  a policy.  What  would  be  the  effects  on 
the  white  nations  themselves  were  this  to  become  the  uni- 
versally accepted  policy  and  program  of  the  West? 

Is  the  following  enumeration  adequate  and  correct? 

I.  Race  pride  and  race  prejudice  would  surely  increase 
by  leaps  and  bounds.  But  does  not  pride  precede,  nay, 
inevitably  cause,  the  fall  of  a race  as  that  of  an  individ- 
ual? Have  we  not  historical  examples  of  this  principle? 
Babylon?  Egypt?  Rome?  Greece? 

•2.  Would  not  the  utilization  of  other  races  for  menial 
service,  as  inferiors,  produce  a psychological  condition 
that  would  surely  result  in  race  deterioration  and  final 
ruin? 

3.  The  policy  of  white  race  world-supremacy  is  racially 
selfish,  materialistic,  and  frankly  militaristic,  and  would 
inevitably  lower  the  entire  moral  life  of  the  Occident. 

4.  Such  a policy,  moreover,  entirely  ignores  the  rights 
of  Asiatics  and  the  imperative  duty  on  the  part  of  the 
white  nations  of  giving  them  justice. 

5.  The  fundamental  principle  of  such  a policy  is  that 
“might  makes  right.”  Would  not  the  adoption  of  such 
a principle  in  dealing  with  other  races  lead  directly  and 
inevitably  to  its  increasing  application  not  only  between 
white  nations  themselves  but  also  between  competing 
groups  and  classes  in  the  same  white  nation?  Would 
not  injustice  or  denial  of  rights  to  Asiatics  as  a general 
and  recognized  policy  in  any  country,  endanger  civil  and 
political  liberty  and  justice  in  that  same  country  ?^ 

6.  Is  not  this  policy  of  white  race  world-supremacy 


> If  “ might  makes  right,”  then  as  soon  as  Asiatics  have  the  might  will  they  not 
have  also  the  right  to  overrun  Europe  and  America  and  exterminate  their  ex- 
cessive white  population? 


i6 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


one  that  is  really  afraid  to  meet  the  Asiatic  on  terms 
of  equal  opportunity?  Is  it  not  therefore  a policy  of 
implied  race  inferiority? 

7.  The  chasm  between  capital  and  labor  in  Christen- 
dom would  be  increased,  with  all  its  ominous  conse- 
quences. In  proportion  to  the  success  of  the  policy, 
the  white  nations  would  indeed  become  wealthy,  but 
that  wealth  would  not  be  equally  distributed.  The  cap- 
italistic classes  of  the  West  would  possess  the  wealth  of 
Asia  while  the  working  classes  would,  as  before,  be 
dependent  upon  their  own  toil. 

8.  The  evils  of  absentee  landlordism  would  be  multi- 
plied, with  degenerative  luxury  and  irresponsibility  for 
the  owning  and  ruling  class  of  Christendom,  and  the 
crushing  poverty  and  misery  for  the  toiling  millions  of 
Asia. 

9.  Eor  the  successful  carrying  out  of  the  above  policy 
would  there  not  be  needed  for  America  a large  increase 
of  military  and  naval  armaments?  For  such  a policy 
can  be  carried  out  only  by  overpowering  military  force. 
The  complete  subjugation  of  Asia  means  surely  the 
complete  militarization  of  the  Occident. 

10.  The  complete  militarization  of  the  Occident,  how- 
ever, would  mean  the  complete  disappearance  of  democ- 
racy. The  dominance  of  one  involves  ’the  destruction 
of  the  other. 

11.  If  European  and  American  capitalists  gain  mili- 
tary and  financial  control  of  Asia  is  it  not  clear  that 
they  will  erect  enormous  manufacturing  establishments 
in  Asia,  where  labor  and  raw  material  are  cheap?  What 
will  capital  care  about  our  own  labor  if  it  can  earn  larger 
dividends  by  investments  in  Asia?  Will  it  not  exploit 


THE  FIRST  POLICY 


17 


Asiatic  labor  in  Asia  to  the  ruin  of  economically  less 
efficient  Caucasian  labor  in  Europe  and  America? 

12.  Would  not  such  a policy,  moreover,  prevent  the 
wholesome  evolution  even  of  the  white  races  them- 
selves, economically,  politically  and  socially  no  less  than 
morally  and  spiritually?  Would  not  emphasis  be  con- 
tinually laid  on  the  lower  aspects  of  civilization  to  the 
permanent  loss  of  emphasis  on  the  higher  factors? 

13.  In  its  denial  of  the  essential  unity  of  mankind  and 
our  common  human  brotherhood  does  not  the  policy 
run  counter  to  the  great  movements  of  human  progress? 
Is  there  any  more  remarkable  phenomenon  of  modern 
times  than  the  amazing  rapidity  with  which  the  whole 
world,  regardless  of  its  races  and  their  history  and  dif- 
ferences, is  becoming  unified  through  universal  trade, 
financial  and  postal  systems,  common  education,  universal 
science,  the  adoption  of  common  political  practises  and 
ideals,  and  the  development  even  of  identical  moral  and 
religious  aspirations?  Is  not  the  welfare  of  any  section 
of  the  world  intimately  dependent  upon  the  welfare  of 
every  other  section?  Do  not  national  “slums”  endanger 
every  neighboring  nation — for  example,  Cuba?  Mexico? 
Does  not  this  policy  of  white  race  world-supremacy 
threaten  the  true  welfare  even  of  the  white  nations  by 
necessitating  the  degradation  of  the  remaining  races? 

We  conclude  that,  though  the  proposed  policy  might 
easily  be  carried  out  for  a period  of  many  decades,  pos- 
sibly for  a century  or  two,  its  ultimate  consequences 
even  to  the  West  are  sure  to  be  morally,  economically 
and  politically  disastrous.  Democracy  could  not  be  per- 
manently maintained,  for  militarism  and  democracy  are 
incompatible. 


i8 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


3.  Effects  of  the  First  Policy  on  Asiatic  Peoples 

The  successful  carrying  out  of  the  policy  outlined 
would  also  have  effefcts  on  the  peoples  of  Asia  which 
merit  careful  consideration.  Is  the  following  enumera- 
tion correct  and  adequate? 

1.  The  complete  and  definite  acceptance  by  America 
of  Asiaphobia  would  surely  evoke  in  Asia  deep  resent- 
ment, indignation  and  a policy  of  retaliation.  Japan 
already  feels  humiliated  by  American  treatment,  and 
has  publicly  said  so  in  her  official  diplomatic  correspond- 
ence. The  romantic  friendship  of  Japan  for  America, 
and  her  absolute  confidence  in  America’s  international 
justice  and  idealism,  have  already  been  seriously  strained, 
and  threaten  to  be  completely  lost,  by  even  the  slight 
application  already  practised  of  an  anti-Asiatic  policy. 

2.  Fifty  years  of  contact  with  the  West  has  taught 
Japan  that  she  can  secure  her  rights  and  even  her  polit- 
ical sovereignty,  only  as  she  is  prepared  to  argue  with 
the  white  man  with  bayonets  and  battle-ships. 

3.  Can  we  doubt  that  China  will  follow  the  same 
course  of  development  as  Japan  has  taken?  China  has 
definitely  abandoned  her  ancient  systems  of  education, 
government  and  communication,  and  is  acquiring  as 
rapidly  as  possible  the  practises  and  the  instruments  of 
occidental  countries.  This  enormous  change  has  been 
entered  upon  in  consequence  of  European  military  ag- 
gression, and  as  a means  whereby  to  oppose  it  ultimately 
and  maintain  independence. 

4.  Can  we  doubt  the  development  in  China,  as  in 
Japan,  of  deep  moral  indignation  and  resentment  at  the 
arrogance  of  other  races  in  their  assumption  of  inherent 


THE  FIRST  POLICY 


19 


superiority  and  right  to  own  the  earth  and  to  exploit 
all  races,  keeping  them  in  economic  and  political  infer- 
iority and  subjection? 

5.  Would  not  the  above  described  anti-Asiatic  policy 
produce  such  a feeling  of  pride,  of  rivalry,  of  ambition 
and  indignation  as  would  ultimately  render  inevitable  a 
world-war  of  the  races  in  comparison  with  which,  as 
many  believe,  the  present  tragedy  in  Europe  would  pale 
into  insignificance?  Certain  it  is  that  many  already 
begin  to  foresee  and  to  predict  such  a world  catastrophe. 

6.  The  economic  effect  on  Asiatics  of  exploitation  by 
European  capitalists  needs  careful  study.  Suppose  that 
European  capitalists  owned  the  mines,  the  railroads,  the 
shipping  lines  and  the  factories  of  Asia.  They  would 
of  course  employ  labor  at  the  cheapest  possible  wages; 
laborers  in  China  are  practically  unlimited.  Capital 
would  be  able,  through  lobbies  and  vast  bribery  and 
intrigue,  to  control  legislation  in  Asia  to  suit  its  own 
interests.  Whence  could  come  the  moral  force  that 
would  enact  reform  legislation,  demanding  a rising 
scale  of  wages,  better  hygienic  conditions,  shorter  hours 
of  work,  and  a one-day  rest  in  seven  for  Asiatic  laborers? 
Oriental  labor  employed  by  occidental  capital,  finding 
itself  unable  to  secure  better  labor  conditions,  would 
easily  resort  to  violence  and  destruction  of  property. 
Occidental  capital,  however,  would  at  once  resort  to 
military  invasion  by  which  to  crush  labor  agitation. 
In  such  a situation  how  could  wholesome  conditions 
for  labor  ever  arise? 

7.  Such  a capitalistic  policy,  moreover,  successfully 
carried  out  for  a century  or  two,  would  steadily  drain 
off  the  wealth  of  Asia  into  the  pockets  of  Europe  and 


20 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


America.  The  problems  of  labor  and  capital  would  be 
expanded  to  world-wide  scope  and  in  their  worst  forms. 
The  degradation  of  Asia  would  be  inevitable. 

8.  Such  a policy,  accordingly,  though  successfully  par- 
ried out,  would  prevent  the  wholesome  development  of 
China,  Japan  and  India,  and  make  it  impossible  for  that 
great  section  of  the  human  race  to  attain  its  own  best 
development  and  make  its  best  contribution  to  the  world- 
civilization. 

9.  In  the  final  struggle  for  world-supremacy  many  are 
already  predicting  the  victory  of  the  Chinese  because 
of  their  vast  population,  their  fecundity,  their  patience, 
their  economic  efficiency  and  their  dogged  will.  How 
will  they  treat  the  white  race,  if  they  win  their  suprem- 
acy by  military  might,  in  the  face  of  the  arrogance  and 
injustice  practised  by  the  white  races  in  their  effort  to 
keep  the  yellow  and  brown  races  in  subjection? 

Is  it  not  clear  that  the  general  adoption  by  the  white 
nations  of  a policy  aiming  at  world-supremacy  through 
superior  military  power  would,  even  though  relatively 
successful  for  a season,  bring  ultimate  disaster  to  the 
entire  world? 

4.  A Critic.al  Study  of  the  Alleged  “Yellow  Peril” 

Effort  was  made  in  Chapter  I,  Section  2,  to  state  the 
Asiatic  Problem  in  the  form  usually  urged.  The  popular 
reaction  to  the  so-called  “Yellow  Peril”  was  stated  and 
its  elements  distinguished  in  Section  i,  Chapter  II.  The 
two  succeeding  sections  considered  the  consequences 
that  would  follow  from  the  adoption  of  the  proposed 
solution,  which  proposal  we  have  named  the  First  Policy. 


THE  FIRST  POLICY 


21 


We  pass  now  to  a critical  study  of  the  statement  of 
the  Asiatic  Problem  as  sketched  in  Chapter  I.  Does  the 
following  critical  estimate  seem  to  be  justified? 

1.  The  migration  in  the  course  of  a few  years,  into 
any  single  occidental  land,  of  millions  or  even  of  several 
hundred  thousand  Asiatic  laborers  would  unquestion- 
ably cause  serious  economic  competition  for  Caucasian 
laborers.  Asiatic  unmarried  laborers  would  underbid, 
outwork  and  outlive  Caucasian  laborers,  especially  those 
having  families  to  support.  Caucasian  labor  would 
doubtless  be  driven  from  any  field  to  which  Asiatic  labor 
could  enjoy  free  and  unresisted  admittance. 

2.  The  alleged  danger,  however,  to  occidental  manu- 
facturing classes  from  the  importation  of  articles  manu- 
factured by  cheap  Asiatic  labor  is  not  in  reality  such  as 
is  commonly  asserted.  For  it  is  to  be  remembered  that 
the  Y'est  cannot  purchase  goods  manufactured  in  Asia 
unless  Asia  purchases  corresponding  values  from  us. 
In  proportion,  however,  as  Asiatics  purchase  from  us 
will  they  give  us  work.  In  proportion,  moreover,  as 
they  sell  to  us  will  they  be  able  to  buy  from  us. 

3.  There  is  nevertheless  a second  form  of  industrial 
competition  with  cheap  Asiatic  labor  that  merits  serious 
consideration.  Suppose  the  plans  of  occidental  capital- 
ists succeed  for  the  economic  and  political  domination 
of  Asia.  Let  us  assume  also  that  the  mining  resources, 
railroad  concessions,  manufacturing  establishments  and 
merchant  marine  of  China  are  practically  owned  by 
occidental  capital.  It  will  of  course  employ  cheap 
Chinese  labor  at  the  cheapest  possible  rates.  Occidental 
capital  will  not  interest  itself  in  raising  the  wages  and 
the  scale  of  life  of  its  employees;  for  the  greater  the 


22 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


difiference  between  the  cost  of  occidental  and  oriental 
labor  the  greater  the  profits  of  capital  on  Asiatic  manu- 
factures purchased  in  the  W'est.  The  purchase,  more- 
over, by  the  West  of  articles  manufactured  in  the  East 
will  not  be  from  oriental  but  from  occidental  capitalists. 
The  West  will  need  therefore  to  send  to  Asia  in  pay- 
ment only  the  amount  needed  for  the  actual  wages  and 
raw  material  of  the  cheap  Asiatic  labor.  The  profits 
will  all  remain  in  the  hands  of  occidental  capitalists.  It 
is  not  indeed  impossible  that  the  profits  from  the  sales 
in  Asia  of  occidentally  owned  Asiatic  factories,  mines 
and  railroads  could  completely  pay  for  the  raw  mate- 
rial and  the  low  wages  of  such  labor  as  is  employed  in 
manufacturing  articles  for  export  to  the  West.  In  that 
case  Asia  could  export  to  the  West  indefinite  amounts 
of  manufactured  goods  without  needing  to  purchase  any- 
thing whatever  from  the  West.  The  transaction  would 
be  entirely  between  occidentals,  the  purchaser  and  the 
seller  both  being  Westerners. 

Under  such  circumstances,  the  disastrous  effect  on 
occidental  factories  and  factory  laborers  would  be 
frightful.  In  other  words,  the  final  economic  effect  on 
both  Asiatics  and  Caucasians  > of  occidental  economic 
and  political  domination  of  Asia  would  be  highly  de- 
structive of  the  true  welfare  of  both  East  and  West.  It 
would  prevent  the  real  economic  prosperity,  social, 
mental,  and  moral  development  of  Asia’s  millions  and 
make  it  impossible  for  them  to  purchase  much  from 
the  West.  But  the  sale  in  the  West  of  articles  made 
in  Asia,  without  a corresponding  purchase  from  the 
West  by  the  East,  would  reduce  occidental  labor  to  seri- 
ous economic  straits,  possibly  even  more  serious  than 


THE  FIRST  POLICY 


23 


that  of  Asiatic  labor  itself.  It  would  keep  both  Asiatic 
and  occidental  labor  in  complete  economic  bondage. 
This  condition,  East  and  West,  would  inevitably  pro- 
duce corresponding  mental  and  moral  degeneration,  and 
the  final  complete  collapse  of  democracy  in  every  occi- 
dental land. 

4.  The  alleged  military  “Yellow  Peril”  is  highly  prob- 
lematical. That  Asiatics  will  learn  to  use  and  may  actu- 
ally acquire  all  the  inventions  of  the  West  is  altogether 
probable.  That  the  inventive  genius,  however,  of  occi- 
dentals has  suddenly  vanished  is  an  absurd  assumption. 
How  soon  is  the  Orient  going  to  surpass  the  Occident 
in  science,  in  applied  chemistry,  in  engineering,  or  in 
inventive  genius?  That  Asia  will  ever  be  able  to  attack 
either  America  or  Europe  with  overwhelming  force  is 
not  easily  credible.  Every  added  decade  makes  it  less 
possible.  The  assertion  and  the  wide-spread  fear  of 
an  Asiatic  invasion  are  indeed  useful  devices  for  pro- 
moting the  prosperity  of  manufacturers  of  army  and 
navy  material.  They  are,  however,  not  to  be  unquali- 
fiedly credited. 

5.  That  Asia  is  likely  to  develop  armaments  for  the 
defense  of  her  rights  and  the  maintenance  of  her  sov- 
ereignty against  wanton  and  aggressive  peoples  seems 
altogether  likely.  Nay,  it  is  proper,  and  on  the  whole, 
is  it  not  desirable? 

6.  The  statement  that  “Asiatic  blood,  brains  and  civil- 
ization are  inherently  inferior  to  those  of  the  white 
races”  is  one  that  demands  careful  investigation.  Is 
the  statement  based  on  scientific  evidence,  or  is  it  the 
dogmatic  expression  of  race  pride  and  race  prejudice? 

7.  The  question  of  assimilability  of  individuals  of  the 


24 


A^IERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


one  race  and  civilization  to  that  of  an  alien  race  and 
civilization  demands  careful  study.  Distinction  must  be 
made  between  social  assimilation  and  assimilation 
through  intermarriage.  The  two  processes,  and  the 
laws  that  control  them,  are  wholly  distinct.  The  social 
assimilation  of  aggregated  groups  that  maintain  their 
own  language,  customs,  ideals,  and  ambitions,  regarding 
themselves  as  colonists  or  outposts  of  their  own  race,  is 
doubtless  practically  impossible.  Quite  easy,  however, 
is  the  assimilation  of  individuals  from  any  people  who 
do  not  segregate  themselves,  who  learn  the  language  and 
desire  to  become  an  integral  element  of  the  nation  of 
their  adoption.  This  is  particularly  true  of  the  children 
of  such  individuals.  Social  assimilation  can  become 
practically  complete  without  intermarriage. 

8.  The  problem  of  the  intermarriage  of  whites  with 
Asiatics  is  undoubtedly  one  of  great  importance.  Such 
intermarriage  should  be  strongly  discouraged.  This  is 
however  a matter  for  scientific  determination,  not  for 
a priori  dogmatism.  Is  not  a commission  needed,  of 
experts  in  biolog)%  sociology  and  psychologj^  for  the 
study  of  this  question  of  the  intermarriage  of  Asiatics 
and  Caucasians?  After  adequate  and  scientific  investi- 
gation national  legislation  may  seem  desirable. 

9.  The  ambition  of  many  to  make  the  white  race 
dominant  throughout  the  world,  controlling  the  eco- 
nomic, educational,  and  political  life  and  growth  of  every 
other  race  through  the  power  of  superior  military  equip- 
ment, ignores  the  fact  that  each  great  race  has  its  own 
peculiar  gifts  and  contributions  to  make  to  the  welfare 
of  the  world,  which  gifts  and  contributions  can  only 
be  made  through  a process  of  free  and  happy  develop- 


THE  FIRST  POLICY 


25 


ment.  Enforced  subjection  to  an  alien  race  produces  a 
mental  temper  and  an  attitude  that  inevitably  prevent 
normal  growth  and  render  impossible  its  best  life. 
Rightly  viewed  the  races  are  complementary  one  to  the 
other ; none  alone  is  complete ; none  can  rise  even  to  its 
own  highest  and  best  apart  from  the  contribution  which 
the  rest  should  make  to  it. 

10.  History  shows  that  mankind  as  a whole,  has  been 
passing  through  a process  of  divergent  evolution,  caused 
by  the  isolation  of  the  different  sections,  and  hence  has 
developed  the  diverse  races  and  civilizations.  Each 
race  has  faced  the  same  great  human  experiences,  birth 
and  death,  love  and  hate,  sorrow  and  joy.  Each  race 
has  created  its  own  system  of  thought  and  action 
whereby  to  make  life  significant  and  worth-while.  The 
era  of  divergent  evolution  has  apparently  passed.  That 
of  interchange  of  all  good  things  has  come — an  era  of 
convergent  evolution.  The  richness  of  the  new  era  has 
been  made  possible  through  the  long  ages  of  divergent 
evolution,  when  many  vast  experiments  have  been  tried 
out  and  an  infinite  variety  of  divergencies  has  been 
accumulated. 

Consider  how  much  Europe  and  America  to-day  owe 
to  Asia ; the  Semites  gave  us  the  Bible,  with  the  Prophets 
and  Jesus;  the  Arabs  gave  us  their  system  of  numerical 
notation ; India  and  China  gave  many  an  invaluable  con- 
tribution to  civilization.  Surely  race  arrogance  is  based 
on  ignorance. 

The  selfish  militaristic  policy  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  world-supremacy  of  the  white  race  not  only  ignores 
all  this  but  renders  impossible  its  wholesome  develop- 
ment. An  attitude  of  hostility  between  the  East  and  the 


26 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


West  based  on  mutual  fear,  suspicion,  scorn  and  disdain 
would  make  it  impossible  for  the  white  nations  to  impart 
their  own  spiritual  best  to  the  peoples  of  Asia,  and 
would  also  make  it  impossible  for  us  to  acquire  from 
them  their  spiritual  best. 

Already  the  work  of  Christian  missionaries  in  Japan 
and  China  is  seriously  hampered  by  the  anti-Asiatic 
agitation  of  the  Pacific  Coast  States.  The  giving  to 
Asia  of  the  Christian  religion  will  be  increasingly  diffi- 
cult in  proportion  as  the  teachings  of  missionaries, 
regarding  human  brotherhood  and  love  of  neighbors,  is 
belittled  by  the  selfish  action  of  the  nations  from  which 
the  missionaries  go. 

REFERENCE  LITERATURE  ON  CHAPTER  II 

I.  White  Race  World  Supremacy 

For  the  statements  of  those  who  fear  the  “Yellow  Peril”  and 
for  their  plans  of  resistance  see  The  American  Japanese  Problem, 
Chapter  XII.  See  also  Homer  Lea’s  The  Valor  of  Ignorance, 
and  Capt.  Hobson’s  addresses. 

2.  Effects  of  the  First  Policy  on  the  White  Race 

The  writer  is  not  acquainted  with  any  discussion  of  the  subject 
matter  of  this  section.  Students  who  find  pertinent  literature 
will  confer  a favor  by  reporting  it. 

3.  Effects  of  the  First  Policy  on  Asiatic  Peoples 

On  this  subject  also  the  writer  knows  of  no  careful  discussion. 

The  fears,  suspicions  and  animosities  developed  in  the  Asiatics 
through  white  aggression  are  indicated  in  the  quotations  given 
in  chapter  XHI  of  The  American  Japanese  Problem. 

A striking  article  expressing  resentment  and  assurance  of 
ultimate  vengeance  is  given  in  the  “Sunset  Magazine”  for 
January,  1915,  entitled  “The  Yellow  Fist,”  by  Ackmed  Abdullah. 


THE  FIRST  POLICY 


27 


4.  A Critical  Study  of  the  Alleged  “Yellow  Peril” 

Literature  dealing  with  the  matters  considered  in  this  chapter 
has  been  called  forth  principally  by  the  immigration  of  Japanese 
into  California.  For  this  reason  the  material  to  which  the  reader 
is  referred  deals  predominantly  with  the  situation  in  that  state. 
It  is  to  be  regretted  that  many  of  the  articles  written  on  the 
Japanese  problem  as  it  exists  in  California  are  unbalanced.  In 
general  it  may  be  assumed  that  sweeping  generalizations  are  at 
least  misleading. 

It  is  to  be  noted  also  that  many  articles  that  take  up  the 
question  of  assimilability  of  Asiatics,  or  their  intrinsic  inferiority 
to  whites,  deal  with  dogmatic  assertions.  There  is  little  effort 
to  handle  the  matter  in  a scientific  way. 

In  The  American  Japanese  Problem  the  author  has  ranged 
over  most  of  the  problems  touched  on  in  this  chapter.  The 
question  of  assimilation  is  treated  in  chapters  VII-IX,  and  of 
dangers  of  a Japanese  military  invasion  of  America  in  chapters 
XIV,  XV. 

The  Problem  of  Race  Equality,  by  Gustav  Spiller,  is  a book 
that  should  be  studied.  (World  Peace  Foundation.) 


Ill 


THE  SECOND  POLICY 

I.  World  Segregation  of  the  White  and  Yellow 

Races 

A second  policy  for  dealing  with  the  Asiatic  Problem 
has  recently  been  differentiated  gradually  from  that  de- 
scribed in  Chapter  II.  It  recognizes  the  injustice  to 
Asiatics  of  the  white  man’s  wanton  aggressions.  It 
recognizes  that  Asiatics  have  full  right  to  their  own 
territory,  natural  resources,  and  a complete  sovereignty 
therein.  It  admits  that  Asiatics  are  in  many  respects 
our  equals,  sometimes  even  our  superiors,  and  that,  there- 
fore, the  attitude  of  those  white  people  who  disdain  the 
Asiatics  as  inferior,  who  would  exclude  them  from  our 
lands  in  ways  that  reflect  on  their  character  and  attain- 
ments, is  humiliating  to  them  and  reprehensible  in  us. 
Such  an  attitude,  it  is  argued,  shows  ignorance  both  of 
them  and  of  ourselves,  and  is  an  expression  of  senseless 
race  pride  and  race  prejudice.  This  second  policy  never- 
theless holds  that  the  admission  of  Asiatics  into  Cauca- 
sian territory  is  a distinct  danger.  The  reason  for  that 
danger  is  not  that  Asiatics  are  inferior  but  only  that  they 
are  profoundly  different. 

In  general  the  proposal  of  this  group  is  that  Asiatics 
and  Caucasians  should  mutually  agree  to  keep  out  of 
each  other’s  territory  except  the  small  number  of  mer- 
chants that  may  be  needful  for  the  transaction  of  busi- 
ness. Even  their  residence  should  be  temporary.  Trav- 

29 


30 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


elers  and  students  should  of  course  be  freely  admitted, 
but  they  should  not  be  allowed  to  settle  permanently  in 
the  alien  land.  The  East  and  the  West  should  be  mutu- 
ally friendly,  should  carry  on  commerce  to  the  fullest 
and  freest  extent  compatible  with  their  respective  wel- 
fares, each  being  judge  of  its  own  interests.  The  mutual 
exchange  of  all  good  things  should  be  cultivated.  But 
there  should  be  no  intermixture  of  populations,  and 
absolutely  no  intermarriage.  This  policy  would  allow 
Asiatics  full  swing  in  Asia  with  opportunity  for  free 
self  development  there,  even  as  white  men  demand  free 
opportunity  for  development  in  their  OAvn  lands. 

But  this  second  policy  also  dreads  the  development  of 
Asiatic  power.  It  recognizes  the  congested  condition 
of  Asiatic  populations  and  cannot  believe  that  they  will 
consent  to  remain  permanently  confined  to  their  own 
lands,  when  they  come  to  know  of  the  vast  territories 
only  partially  occupied  in  other  parts  of  the  world. 
Hence  it  follows  that  the  West  must  be  prepared  to  resist 
Asiatic  aggression,  pending  the  day,  not  far  distant, 
when  the  Asiatic  will  attempt  to  invade  white  men’s 
lands,  and  demand  opportunity  for  Asiatic  migration  to 
these  lands  less  populous  than  their  own  and  possessing 
more  undeveloped  resources.  This  policy  accordingly 
advocates  the  rapid  development  of  armaments  for  the 
resistance  of  such  Asiatic  demands.  EMless  we  are  pre- 
pared we  shall  be  vanquished. 

Such  are  the  main  outlines  of  this  second  policy.  It 
needs,  however,  more  exact  statement.  Its  main  asser- 
tions and  principles  may  be  enumerated  as  follows: 

I.  Japan  is  quite  right  in  resenting  occidental  invasion 
of  the  Orient.  She  has  done  well  in  equipping  herself 


THE  SECOND  POLICY 


31 


with  the  instruments  of  modern  warfare  and  in  checking 
the  military  aggressions  of  Russia. 

2.  Japan  and  China  are  great  nations.  They  have  had 
a noble  history  and  are  destined  to  play  an  important 
role  in  the  future  history  of  mankind. 

3.  Asiatics,  however,  are  so  different  from  Caucasians 
that  their  intermixture  in  the  same  territory  is  undesir- 
able. This  is  not  because  they  are  inferior  to  us,  but  only 
because  they  are  different.  Their  ways  of  thought,  of 
life,  of  government,  of  morals  and  religion  are  so 
diverse  from  ours  that  they  and  we,  like  oil  and  water, 
can  never  mix.  We  might  exist  side  by  side  and  asso- 
ciate with  each  other  in  business,  but  we  would  never 
really  understand  them  nor  they  us. 

4.  It  is  therefore  important  that  we  exclude  them 
completely  from  our  lands;  thus  alone  will  danger  of 
friction  and  collision  be  avoided.  All  white  men’s  lands 
should  prevent  the  invasion  of  Asiatics,  especially  of 
Asiatic  laborers. 

5.  It  is  also  equally  desirable  that  Asiatics  should 
exclude  Caucasians  from  their  lands  and  prevent  the 
intermarriage  of  the  races.  This  would  not  in  any  way 
imply  Caucasian  inferiority.  It  would  merely  recognize 
the  seriousness  of  the  problem  raised  by  the  interming- 
ling of  races  so  different  as  those  of  Asia  and  Europe, 
and  the  importance  of  keeping  them  apart. 

6.  The  wealth  of  Asia  should  be  owned  and  exploited 
by  Asiatics  for  the  benefit  of  their  own  lands.  Chinese 
and  Japanese  are  fully  justified  in  their  efforts  to  restrain 
not  only  aggressive  individuals  from  the  West  but  also 
the  aggressive  invasion  of  occidental  capital. 

7.  Japan  and  China,  however,  constitute  a serious 


32 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


danger  to  the  West,  especially  to  the  United  States. 
They  are  passing  through  a period  of  renaissance.  They 
are  rapidly  acquiring  the  power  conferred  by  the  modern 
mastery  of  nature.  As  their  power  increases  will  their 
demands  grow.  When  they  realize  how  sparse  is  our 
population  compared  with  theirs,  and  how  vast  are  the 
undeveloped  resources  of  the  lands  now  possessed  by 
the  white  man,  they  will  insist  on  freedom  for  immigra- 
tion hither. 

8.  Japan,  ambitious  and  unscrupulous,  will  take  ad- 
vantage of  our  weakness.  We  must  therefore  be  ade- 
quately prepared  to  resist  her  aggression. 

9.  Economic  opportunities,  moreover,  for  Asiatics  in 
America  should  be  so  restricted  that  those  now  here 
would  ere  long  find  it  to  their  advantage  to  return  to 
their  native  lands. 

10.  Since,  however,  the  above  course  would  be  mis- 
understood and  resented,  and  since  Japan  intends  as 
soon  as  possible  to  attack  America,  seize  our  territory 
and  demand  free  acres  for  her  surplus  population,  it 
is  highly  important  that  America  should  begin  at  once 
to  prepare  for  this  danger  by  increasing  our  fortifica- 
tions in  the  Philippine  Islands,  in  Hawaii,  Guam,  and 
on  the  Pacific  Coast,  and  to  increase  largely  our  army 
and  especially  our  navy.  These  military  preparations 
would  of  course  be  solely  for  defense,  not  at  all  with  a 
view  to  military  aggression  in  Asia. 

2.  A Critical  Estimate  of  the  Second  Policy 

Before  proceeding  to  a criticism  of  the  second  policy 
it  should  be  noted  that  it  coincides  in  many  respects  with 
the  first  policy.  The  criticisms  therefore  directed  against 


THE  SECOND  POLICY 


33 


that  policy  apply  with  equal  force  to  those  elements  of 
the  second  policy  which  it  holds  in  common  with  the 
first  policy.  And  many  of  the  criticisms  presented  in 
the  following  paragraphs  apply  with  equal  force  to 
policy  one. 

What  now  is  to  be  said  concerning  the  second  policy  ? 
Are  the  following  criticisms  pertinent? 

I.  Being  a policy  of  suspicion,  will  it  not  evoke  suspi- 
cion? Though  it  professes  in  words  to  respect  the 
Asiatic,  and  wish  him  well,  does  it  really  do  so?  When 
he  feels  the  pressure  of  our  race  discriminatory  legisla- 
tion will  he  not  resent  it,  and  grow  increasingly  indig- 
nant? Will  not  such  a policy  result  practically  in  the 
' same  national  animosity  and  international  friction  as  the 
first  policy  of  frank  selfishness  in  asserting  the  supremacy 
of  the  Caucasian  race? 

' 2.  Will  not  such  a policy  inevitably  lead  to  the  in- 

creasing of  armaments  in  Japan  and  China  as  well  as 
in  America?  When  they  see  our  enormous  and  grow- 
1 ing  armaments,  and  know  of  our  distrust  of  their  moral 
character,  is  it  likely  that  they  will  believe  our  assur- 
ances that  our  armaments  have  no  aggressive  aim,  that 
I they  exist  only  for  defense?  Will  they  not  feel  it  neces- 
I sary  to  strain  every  nerve  to  arm  adequately — “not  for 
^ aggression,  but  for  defense”  ? 

I 3.  And  when  we  in  our  turn  see  their  increasing  arma- 
ments, will  we  not  feel  more  and  more  convinced  of 
their  aggressive  purposes,  and  of  the  pressing  need  for 
still  further  increasing  our  military  and  naval  prepara- 
tions? And  will  not  both  sides  of  the  Pacific  enter  thus 
upon  the  vicious  circle  of  being  “adequately  prepared” 
against  the  wanton  aggression  of  treacherous  foes? 


34 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


4.  And  what  would  be  the  consequences  to  America 
of  such  a course  of  “adequate”  military  and  naval  pre- 
parations? Would  not  war-preparation  taxes  grow  by 
leaps  and  bounds?  Expenses  for  “preparation”  would 
soon  exceed  expenditures  for  all  other  governmental 
enterprises.  “Safety  is  the  first  necessity.”  Must  not  a 
nation  insure  its  existence  before  it  may  devote  atten- 
tion to  other  matters  ? There  would  of  necessity  develop 
a large  body  of  trained  fighters  in  our  army  and  navy 
absolutely  subject  to  order.  The  spirit  and  mental  habits 
of  militarism  would  be  more  and  more  widely  cultivated. 
Congress  would  be  increasingly  beset  with  lobbies  of 
great  manufacturing  interests  seeking  government 
patronage. 

5.  The  absorption  of  national  attention  in  the  prob- 
lems of  security  through  military  and  naval  preparation, 
and  the  consequent  withdrawal  of  the  nation’s  most 
forceful  personalities  from  positive  productive  enter- 
prises, would  interfere  on  the  one  hand  with  the  highest 
economic  prosperity  of  the  country  and  on  the  other 
with  the  solution  of  the  pressing  problems  of  capital 
and  labor  now  upon  us.  The  enactment  furthermore  of 
suitable  legislation  for  the  attainment  of  social  and 
economic  justice  would  be  long  delayed  and  possibly 
permanently  defeated.  Those  who  emphasize  vast 
accumulations  of  armaments,  ammunition  and  trained 
fighters  usually  fail  to  see  that  quite  as  important  an 
element  as  economic  wealth  and  prosperity  in  national 
security  is  a people  well  fed  and  well  educated,  possess- 
ing a social  and  political  order  that  gives  justice  and 
economic  prosperity  to  all  classes  and  individuals. 

6.  The  effects  on  China  and  Japan  would  be  even  more 


THE  SECOND  POLICY 


35 


disastrous.  In  spite  of  their  relative  poverty  they  would 
be  forced  to  expend  vast  sums  for  military  and  naval 
development.  Such  expenditures  would  inevitably  pre- 
vent the  wholesome  development  of  their  educational, 
industrial,  judicial  and  political  life.  Instead  of  develop- 
ing democracy,  absolutism  would  be  still  more  firmly  and 
inevitably  rooted  in  those  lands.  The  pressing  problems 
of  poverty,  of  social  and  industrial  justice,  and  of 
capital  and  labor,  would  be  necessarily  neglected,  to  the 
enormous  detriment  of  the  masses.  Their  wide-spread 
economic  poverty  would  prevent  attainment  of  that  scale 
of  wages  and  life  essential  to  the  rise  of  extensive  inter- 
national commerce,  which  would  have  an  important 
effect  on  the  manufacturing  and  industrial  classes  of 
the  West.^ 

7.  Advocates  of  the  second  policy,  moreover,  ignore 
two  important  facts.  Man’s  recent  mastery  of  nature 
and  her  forces  has  been  so  great  that  the  ancient  barriers 
of  space  which  gave  occasion  for  the  development  of 
the  multitudinous  races  and  peoples  have  practically 
vanished.  The  barriers  between  races  and  peoples 
to-day  are  in  a true  sense  artificial,  that  is,  man  made. 
They  consist  of  languages,  customs  and  religions,  prej- 
udices, passions  and  animosities. 

The  human  race,  however,  is  essentially  one,  of  one 
blood ; sharing  the  same  life,  endowed  with  the  same 
faculties  of  mind  and  heart  and  will,  and  undergoing 
the  same  fundamental  experiences.  The  races,  more- 
over, are  facing  each  other  in  a new  way.  Their  inner 

■ Let  the  student  compare  the  foreign  commerce  of  Japan,  having  a population 
of  50,000,000  with  that  of  China,  having  400,000,000.  What  would  America’s 
trade  with  China  amount  to  if  her  people  bought  as  much  from  us  proportionately 
as  does  Japan? 


36 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


life,  no  less  than  their  outer,  is  rapidly  coming  into  con- 
tact, and  both  are  undergoing  momentous  changes. 
Mankind  has  definitely  entered  upon  a new  era,  an  era 
of  interchange  of  the  best  things  developed  during  the 
long  centuries  of  isolated  life,  of  mental,  moral  and  spir- 
itual approach  no  less  than  of  the  acquisition  of  a com- 
mon external  civilization  and  life.  The  artificial  barriers 
are  breaking  down  and  passing  away. 

In  spite  of  these  facts,  however,  this  second  policy 
proposes  to  reestablish  the  geographical  barriers  by  law 
and  by  military  might.  Does  it  not  run  counter  to  the 
real  movement  of  history? 

8.  Those  who  advocate  this  second  policy  commonly 
insist  on  the  unbridgeable  chasm  separating  the  Caucasian 
from  the  Asiatic  mind.  They  are  fond  of  the  lines  from 
Kipling : 


“Oh  East  is  East  and  West  is  West, 

And  never  the  twain  shall  meet, 

Till  earth  and  sky  stand  presently 
At  God’s  great  judgment  seat.” 

They  insist  that  an  Oriental’s  mind  and  all  its  contents 
and  operations  are  irrevocably  fixed  for  him  by  his 
“blood” — his  biological  heredity.  However  long  an 
Oriental  may  live  in  the  West  and  however  many  gen- 
erations of  them  may  be  born  in  the  Occident,  whoever 
carries  oriental  blood,  they  assert,  is  oriental  in  mind 
and  heart  and  character. 

In  this  brief  discussion  it  is  possible  only  to  make 
clear  the  contention  and  to  ask,  “Is  it  justified  by  scien- 
tific knowledge  or  is  it  a piece  of  sheer  dogmatism?” 
The  writer  does  not  hesitate  to  pronounce  it  the  latter. 


THE  SECOND  POLICY 


37 


His  own  studies  on  this  question  have  been  embodied  at 
some  length  in  three  chapters  in  his  American  Japanese 
Problem. 

The  contention  of  the  policy  here  criticised  is  based 
upon  superseded  theories  of  biology,  psychology  and 
sociology.  Whatever  may  be  the  unwisdom  and  unde- 
sirability of  mingling  the  races  in  marriage,  the  com- 
plete psychological  or  educational  assimilability  of  mem- 
bers of  any  of  the  virile  races  is  incontestable.  Of  course 
the  rapidity  of  the  process  depends  much  on  favorable 
conditions.  The  time  element  is  vital.  The  relative  num- 
bers of  the  two  races  involved  is  likewise  a matter  of 
great  importance. 

The  primary  assertion,  however,  of  this  second  policy, 
that  the  Asiatic  and  Caucasian  are  intrinsically  so  dif- 
ferent that  they  can  never  really  understand  each  other 
and  that  this  distinction  is  grounded  in  their  respective 
biological  heredity,  is  a fundamental  error.  They  who 
quote  Kipling  at  all  should  also  quote  the  very  next  lines 
to  those  cited  above : 

“But  there  is  neither  East  nor  West, 

Border  nor  breed  nor  birth, 

When  two  strong  men  stand  face  to  face, 

Though  they  come  from  the  ends  of  the  earth.” 

9.  This  problem,  however,  of  the  relations  of  America 
to  Asia  is  one  that  involves  more  than  merely  economic 
or  biological  considerations.  Moral  and  religious  factors 
also  demand  our  study. 

This  second  policy,  while  not  so  pronouncedly  brutal 
as  the  first,  is  nevertheless  essentially  selfish.  It  does 
not  propose,  it  is  true,  to  humiliate  the  Asiatic  by  loudly 


38 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


denouncing  him  as  inferior,  yet  it  proclaims  a final 
and  dogmatic  judgment  against  him.  It  emphasizes  the 
harm  of  his  presence  to  us.  It  insists  that  he  is  incap- 
able of  appreciating  or  entering  into  our  social  life  and 
political  institutions.  It  would  provide  by  rigid  laws 
and  regulations  that  no  Asiatic  may  have  opportunity  to 
show  whether  or  not,  as  a matter  of  fact,  these  dogmatic 
judgments  are  correct.  Thus  this  policy  is  solely  con- 
cerned with  our  exclusive  welfare.  It  takes  no  thought 
for  the  welfare  of  the  Asiatic.  It  does  not  ask  whether 
or  not  his  life  among  us  would  bring  him  or  his  people 
profit  and  advantage. 

There  are,  however,  important  reasons  for  holding 
that  a certain  amount  of  immigration  and  emigration 
between  Asia  and  America,  even  of  labor,  is  highly 
important.  These  grounds  are  partly  economic  and 
partly  moral.  Such  intercourse,  I hold,  is  essential  to 
the  best  and  most  wholesome  relation  of  East  and  West. 
Not  only  would  it  be  of  advantage  to  Asiatics,  but  also 
in  the  long  run  to  us.  The  argument  briefly  stated  is 
this : Asiatic  labor  needs  to  learn  the  best  ideals  of  occi- 
dental labor  in  regard  to  its  own  rights  and  duties,  to 
hygienic  conditions,  hours  of  work,  periodic  rest  of 
one  day  in  seven,  and  a scale  of  wages  that  provides  for 
suitable  living  conditions,  adequate  nourishment,  and 
proper  support  of  family  and  education  of  children. 
The  sooner  and  more  effectively  they  learn  these  fea- 
tures and  rights  of  labor  the  more  rapidly  will  the  scale 
of  life  of  all  Asiatics  approach  that  of  Occidentals. 
Such  a condition,  however,  would  not  only  be  positively 
beneficial  to  Asiatics  themselves  but  also  to  Occidentals, 
for,  on  the  one  hand,  it  would  diminish  and  finally  do 


THE  SECOND  POLICY 


39 


away  with  the  destructive  economic  competition  of 
eastern  and  western  labor,  and  on  the  other  hand  it 
would  give  the  laboring  classes  of  Asia  such  a rising 
scale  of  life  as  would  promote  mightily  both  local  and 
international  trade  and  with  it  the  prosperity  of  the 
world. 

But  how  are  Asiatic  laboring  classes  to  learn  these 
ideals  and  develop  the  spirit  that  will  insist  on  their 
realization?  Such  acquisitions  will  not  be  secured  from 
books,  nor  from  the  suggestion  and  teachings  of  capital- 
istic classes.  If  Asiatic  labor  is  to  acquire  these  ideas, 
ideals  and  practises,  it  will  be  chiefly  as  it  learns  them  by 
imitation  and  practise  from  the  industrial  classes  of  the 
West ; and  this  will  be  most  surely  and  most  cpiickly 
accomplished  if  as  much  labor  migration  back  and  forth 
between  the  East  and  the  West  as  possible  is  allowed 
without  bringing  harm  to  occidental  labor.  Refusal  to 
give  Asiatic  labor  this  opportunity  and  privilege  will 
both  retard  the  wholesome  development  of  Asia’s  indus- 
trial millions,  and  delay  the  development  of  the  best 
labor  conditions  of  the  West.  Labor  interests  through- 
out the  world  are  closely  interdependent.  Labor  degra- 
dation in  any  land  hinders  the  right  development  of  labor 
in  every  land.  As  far  as  possible  labor  in  backward 
lands  should  be  aided  to  attain  better  ideals,  better  organ- 
ization, better  wages,  and  more  wholesome  conditions 
by  intimate  relations  with  labor  in  more  advanced  coun- 
tries. 

Selfishness  is  not  only  morally  detestable,  it  is  eco- 
nomically disastrous.  This  is  equally  true  of  individuals, 
of  social  classes,  and  of  races.  The  new  era  upon  which 
mankind  is  now  entering  demands  manifestations  of 


40 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


unselfish  service  on  a vaster  scale  than  has  ever  before 
been  witnessed. 

lo.  Finally,  the  second  policy  practically  denies  the 
fundamental  thesis  of  the  Christian  religion,  that  God  is 
the  Father  of  all  men  and  that  all  men  are  brothers. 
This  point  every  Christian  man  and  woman  in  America 
should  be  asked  to  face.  Are  the  Japanese  and  the 
Chinese  our  brothers  in  the  Christian  sense,  or  are  they 
not?  If  they  are,  then  how  can  we  say  to  them,  “No 
matter  how  well  you  or  your  children  may  behave,  nor 
how  much  you  may  learn,  you  shall  never  enter  our 
land  nor  share  our  prosperity  and  our  blessings.  We 
love  you,  but  we  don’t  like  you  and  we  can’t  help  you ; 
be  clothed  and  fed,  but  keep  away  from  us  and  our 
children ; keep  out  of  our  sight.” 

Is  it  conceivable  that  Orientals  will  believe  our  words 
(that  we  love  them)  to  which  every  act  gives  the  lie? 
Is  it  conceivable  that  the  proclamation  of  the  Christian 
faith  in  those  lands  of  the  Orient  can  make  any  special 
impression,  when  the  national  attitude  of  Christian 
America  so  completely  disregards  the  most  fundamental 
postulate  and  assertion  of  that  faith?  And  if  we  regard 
our  most  precious  possessions  to  be  matters  of  the  spirit 
and  of  character,  truth  and  righteousness,  uprightness 
and  justice,  mercy  and  love,  how  can  we  hope  to  impart 
these  treasures  to  those  great  peoples  and  races  of  the 
Orient  if  our  fundamental  attitude  toward  them  is  one 
characterized  by  national  hypocrisy  and  selfishness? 

If  the  above  paragraphs  have  accurately  diagnosed 
the  policy  of  mutual  race  exclusion  are  we  not  justified 
in  the  judgment  that  this  policy  also  is  fundamentally 
wrong?  Although  it  does  not,  like  the  first  policy,  pro- 


THE  SECOND  POLICY 


41 


pose  to  inflict  wrong  on  the  peoples  of  the  Orient  by 
direct  military  or  economic  invasion,  does  it  not  in  reality 
do  them  great  injustice  in  that  it  practically  forces  upon 
them  the  disastrous  policy  of  military  and  naval  develop- 
ment after  the  fashion  of  the  West  and  deprives  them 
in  important  ways  of  the  help  and  uplift  that  we  might 
perhaps  give  them? 

If  it  were  possible  to  carry  out  the  principle  of  com- 
plete race  segregation  without  the  development  of  mutual 
suspicion,  fear  and  ill-will,  and  the  consequent  resort 
to  military  preparation  to  insure  safety,  and  without  the 
virtual  denial  of  the  brotherhood  of  man,  the  policy 
might  not  be  so  disastrous.  Such  however  does  not  seem 
to  be  possible.  Race  segregation  decreed  by  legislation 
engenders  ill-will,  misunderstandings,  resentment,  indig- 
nation, suspicion,  fear  and  ever-increasing  armaments. 

Whether  or  not  a final  conflict  arises  between  America 
and  the  Orient,  the  disastrous  consequences  of  the 
policy  under  consideration  seem  clear. 


IV 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 

I.  The  New  Internationalism 

The  third  policy  for  dealing  with  the  Asiatic  problem 
declines  even  to  characterize  it  as  the  “Yellow  Peril,” 
for  this  term  introduces  a subtle  fallacy  and  antipathy 
at  the  very  outset.  It  holds  that  the  great  races  of  man- 
kind are  no  chance  product  of  nature;  that  in  the  provi- 
dence of  Him  who  creates  and  rules  all  things  some  better 
goal  is  to  be  reached  by  all  through  their  very  diver- 
sities and  the  problems  raised  thereby,  than  would  other- 
wise have  been  possible. 

This  policy  holds  that  the  precedence  of  certain  races 
in  intelligence,  political,  economic  and  social  life  and 
in  moral  and  religious  insight  and  attainments  places 
upon  them  corresponding  moral  obligations  for  right 
and  helpful  treatment  of  nations  and  races  less  priv- 
ileged, and  that  the  further  progress  of  the  more 
advanced  races  themselves  depends  closely  upon  their 
observance  of  those  obligations.  Providence  endows 
races  in  order  that  they  may  render  service  to  the  whole 
world.  The  giving  of  that  service  is  essential  to  their 
own  permanent  welfare  and  wholesome  development. 
Great  national  wealth,  whether  spiritual,  intellectual  or 
material,  must  be  administered  as  a trust  for  the  benefit 
of  the  world,  else  it  will  ruin  its  possessors. 


43 


44 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


This  third  policy  holds,  moreover,  that  the  real  solu- 
tion of  man’s  problems,  those  of  the  individual,  of 
classes  and  of  races,  is  ethical.  The  world  is  an  indi- 
visible unit,  between  whose  various  continents,  nations 
and  races  no  hard  and  fast  impassable  barriers  can  be 
permanently  raised. 

Selfish  racial  ambition,  it  holds,  produces  interna- 
tional difficulties.  True  and  wholesome  conditions  can 
be  established  in  the  relations  of  nations  and  races,  as 
in  those  of  individuals,  only  on  the  principles  of  the 
world’s  great  Teacher. 

In  this  world  in  which  selfishness,  wrong  and  injustice 
between  nations  and  races  have  already  had  so  much 
sway,  producing  enmity,  fear,  suspicion,  indignation  and 
ill-will,  the  only  possible  method  of  recovery  is  the  prac- 
tise by  nations  as  well  as  by  individuals  of  the  moral 
principles  taught  by  Jesus;  those  namely  of  service  and 
of  sacrifice.  We  can  overcome  the  enmity  and  sus- 
picion of  those  whom  we  have  already  injured,  by  loving 
them  and  doing  them  good.  This  will  not  only  overcome 
their  ill-will  toward  us  but  evoke  their  gratitude  and 
confidence.  This  method  in  the  treatment  of  Asiatics  by 
Caucasians,  and  this  alone,  will  completely  solve  the 
so-called  “Yellow  Peril’’  because  it  will  completely  and 
manifestly  banish  the  “M’hite  Peril.” 

No  country,  moreover,  is  so  happily  circumstanced 
to  inaugurate  this  policy  of  unselfish  internationalism 
as  America.  Here  as  in  no  other  land  every  citizen  may 
help  determine  international  policy.  Accordingly  every 
citizen  has  responsibility  in  this  matter.  He  should 
familiarize  himself  with  international  problems  and 
decide  on  the  right  international  policies. 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


45 


The  proposals,  however,  of  those  who  emphasize  the 
moral  element  in  the  problem  of  the  relations  of  the 
Occident  and  the  Orient  may  be  most  clearly  set  forth 
in  a series  of  statements  regarding,  first,  the  fundamental 
principles,  secondly  their  concrete  embodiment  in  legis- 
lation and  administration. 

Fundamental  Principles 

1.  The  real  test  and  proof  of  racial  superiority  lies 
not  in  the  realm  of  military  power  but  in  that  of  moral 
and  spiritual  life. 

2.  The  truly  great  race,  as  the  truly  great  man,  seeks 
to  give  justice  rather  than  to  get  rights.  This  policy 
advocates  not  peace  at  any  price  but  righteousness  at 
any  cost. 

3.  The  dominance  of  Asia  by  the  West,  whether  mili- 
tary, political  or  economic,  is  not  the  true  goal  for 
occidental  efifort.  The  proposal  moreover  that  the  East 
and  the  West  shall  lead  their  lives  in  as  complete  mutual 
isolation  as  possible,  each  living  as  far  as  possible  for 
itself,  is  also  fundamentally  wrong.  Asia’s  need  is 
America’s  opportunity  for  invaluable  service.  To  see 
the  need  and  pass  by  unheeding  and  unresponsive  is  not 
only  cruel  to  Asia  but  morally  disastrous  to  America. 

4.  The  nations  of  the  West  should  seek  to  give  to  the 
Orient  their  own  best  attainments  in  science,  in  political 
organization,  in  social  order,  in  jurisprudence,  in  eco- 
nomic and  industrial  organization  and  activity,  and  above 
all,  in  moral  and  spiritual  life.  The  uplift  of  the  life  of 
Asia  as  a whole  is  of  the  highest  importance,  not  only 
for  Asia  herself,  but  also  for  the  real  welfare  of  the 
Occident. 


46 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


5.  The  establishment  of  social  justice  between  nations 
is  as  important  as  is  its  establishment  between  the  various 
classes  of  a single  nation. 

6.  The  dominance  of  one  race  over  others  through  the 
use  of  brute  force  is  harmful  to  the  victors  no  less  than 
to  the  victims. 

7.  Race  predominance  through  force  or  fraud  among 
peoples  is  as  obnoxious,  reprehensible  and  really  dis- 
astrous as  is  the  domination  of  one  class  over  other 
classes  within  a single  nation.  Oligarchy,  Plutocracy, 
Aristocracy  and  Mob-ocracy  have  been  repeatedly  tested 
and  found  wanting.  So  also  has  Race-ocracy ! 

8.  The  treatment  to  be  accorded  to  individual  Chinese 
and  Japanese  in  America  should  be  free  from  personal 
injustice  or  race  humiliation.  The  individual  Chinese 
and  Japanese  should  be  judged  and  dealt  with  on  the 
basis  of  individual  character,  not  on  the  basis  of  an  hypo- 
thetical race  character. 

9.  Right  relations  with  China  and  Japan  to-day  de- 
mand of  us  a more  careful  regard  for  our  treaty  pledges 
and  obligations  than  we  have  been  wont  to  give. 

10.  The  guiding  principle  in  American  Oriental  policies 
should  be  helpful  service.  Our  diplomacy  should  place 
as  its  foremost  aim,  not  the  commercial  or  political  ad- 
vantages of  America  regardless  of  the  real  interests  of 
the  peoples  of  the  Orient,  but  rather  mutual  profit  and 
advantage.  No  advantage  should  be  sought  for  our- 
selves that  brings  loss  to  them. 

The  Concrete  Program 

The  constructive  policy  now  needed  in  establishing 
right  relations  with  the  Orient  falls  into  two  principal 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


47 


parts:  first,  that  dealing  with  Asiatics  who  come  to  our 
shores,  second,  that  dealing  with  the  nations  themselves 
across  the  Pacific.  The  first  requires  of  us  social  and 
legislative  adjustment,  both  local  and  national.  The 
second  depends  on  high-minded  diplomacy,  on  honest 
commerce,  on  generous  philanthropy,  and  on  wise  and 
broad-minded  missionary  activity.  The  detailed  dis- 
cussion of  these  two  aspects  of  our  required  New  In- 
ternationalism is  presented  in  the  following  sections. 

The  brevity  of  this  discussion  should  not  be  understood 
to  indicate  a feeling  on  the  part  of  the  writer  that  the 
needed  social  adjustments  in  America,  or  diplomatic,  com- 
mercial, philanthropic  or  missionary  activity  in  the  Orient 
are  of  slight  importance  or  easily  secured.  His  convic- 
tion is  just  the  contrary.  American  diplomacy  and  enter- 
prises of  many  kinds  in  the  Far  East  have  conferred 
many  blessings  upon  those  lands.  The  field,  however, 
is  too  vast  for  adequate  treatment  in  anything  less  than 
a large  volume.  In  the  opinion  of  the  writer  the  so-called 
“White  Peril”  in  the  Orient,  so  far  as  America  is  con- 
cerned, has  been  negligible,  while  American  diplomacy, 
trade,  philanthropy,  education  and  Christian  activity  have 
conferred  upon  both  Japan  and  China  advantages  that 
may  not  easily  be  estimated.  The  awakening  life  of 
Japan  and  China  is  due  in  no  small  part  to  the  contribu- 
tions made  by  Americans  to  the  higher  life  of  these  peo- 
ples. Not  a little  of  the  best  that  the  West  possesses  has 
already  been  successfully  imparted  to  important  sections 
of  the  East. 

Nevertheless  much  more  remains  to  be  done.  Just 
at  present  it  seems  as  though  the  cultivation  of  friend- 
ship between  America  and  Asia  depends  in  no  small 


48 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


degree  upon  right  legislative  adjustment  in  America  and 
right  diplomatic  relations  and  actions  across  the  Pacific. 

2.  The  New  Immigration  Policy 

In  examining  the  problem  of  Chinese  and  Japanese 
immigration  to  America  one  is  impressed  with  the  sim- 
ilarity of  the  difficulties  experienced  and  the  objections 
raised  on  the  Pacific  Coast  with  those  that  have  been 
experienced  and  raised  on  the  Atlantic  Coast  in  connec- 
tion with  immigrants  from  Europe. 

Moreover  the  recent  immigration  of  such  vast  numbers 
from  south  and  east  Europe  has  made  it  clear  to  most 
students  of  the  question  that  the  time  has  come  for  the 
limitation  and  regulation  of  European  immigration. 

One  of  the  greatest  problems  before  the  American 
people  is  that  of  the  just  and  efficient  treatment  of  the 
incoming  tide  of  alien  peoples,  European  not  less  than 
Asiatic.  Our  immigration  laws  are  unsystematic,  inade- 
quate and  discriminatory;  our  provisions  for  the  proper 
treatment,  distribution  and  education  of  aliens  already 
admitted  are  seriously  defective  or  entirely  wanting.  We 
find  ourselves  increasingly  embarrassed  both  internally 
and  internationally.  Has  not  the  time  come  for  compre- 
hensive legislation  dealing  with  the  entire  immigration 
question?  We  need  laws  dealing  comprehensively  with 
all  races  on  a basis  of  absolute  equality.  This,  and  this 
alone,  will  free  them  from  invidious  and  humiliating  fea- 
tures. Chinese  and  Japanese  are  not  asking  for  free  im- 
migration to  America  but  only  for  freedom  from  indi- 
vidual and  racial  humiliation.  This  statement  cannot  be 
made  too  often  nor  too  emphatically. 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


49 


On  the  other  hand,  the  admission  of  individuals  from 
any  nation  and  race  should  be  limited  in  such  ways  as 
to  protect  the  laboring  classes  in  America  from  economic 
disaster.  American  laborers  have  rights  no  less  than 
those  in  Asia  and  Europe.  The  number  of  immigrants 
who  may  be  allowed  to  come  from  any  land  should 
depend  on  their  ability  to  enter  our  economic  life  without 
harm  to  the  laborers  and  the  people  now  here. 

The  number,  moreover,  to  be  admitted  annually  from 
any  particular  country  or  race  should  depend  in  some 
close  way  on  their  proven  adaptability  to  our  life.  We 
cannot  afford  to  admit  large  numbers  from  any  land  who 
do  not  propose  to  settle  down,  and  become  fully  identi- 
fied with  our  institutions  and  methods  of  life.  We  can- 
not allow  groups  to  be  formed  in  our  midst  who  regard 
themselves  as  colonists,  representatives  of  their  home- 
land, in  our  midst  but  not  of  us ; not  learning  our  lan- 
guage nor  adopting  our  ideals. 

We  can  admit  to  permanent  residence  here  only  those 
who  desire  to  acquire  citizenship  and  help  us  to  make 
genuinely  successful  our  great  experiment  in  democracy. 

The  question  as  to  whether  or  not  any  particular 
people  or  race  is  assimilable  should  be  based  upon  expe- 
rience. Each  group  should  be  considered  separately  and 
the  numbers  to  be  admitted  annually  from  any  partic- 
ular people  should  depend  upon  the  number  of  those 
from  that  people  who  have  already  become  so  familiar 
with  our  language,  customs  and  institutions,  and  so  loyal 
to  them  as  to  have  surrendered  allegiance  to  their  native 
land  and  become  regular  American  citizens.  This 
method  of  limiting  immigration  throws  upon  those 
already  admitted  the  responsibility  of  proving  to  America 


50 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


whether  or  not  others,  and  of  deciding  how  many,  from 
their  land  may  be  given  the  same  privilege. 

An  essential  part  of  the  plan  is  of  course  that  the 
administration  of  the  laws  proposed  in  the  following 
pages  shall  be  put  in  the  hands  of  those  who  approve 
the  general  principles  and  the  policy,  arid  who  seek  to 
administer  the  laws  in  the  spirit  of  fairness  and  good- 
will. The  principles  of  civil  service  should  from  the 
start  be  applied  to  the  selection  and  retention  of  efficient 
administrative  officials. 

In  a word,  we  now  need  a comprehensive  immigration 
policy  meeting  the  problems  raised  by  both  Asiatic 
and  European  immigration.  It  should  recognize  the  just 
demands  of  the  Pacific  Coast  states  for  protection  from 
swamping  Asiatic  immigration.  It  should  be  free  from 
race  discrimination  and  give  equal  courtesy  of  treatment 
to  all.  It  should  protect  the  democratic  life  and  insti- 
tutions of  America;  it  should  give  opportunity  to  all  in 
proportion  to  their  capacity  to  utilize  it  to  their  own  as 
well  as  to  our  advantage.  The  needed  legislative  policy 
and  program  should  deal  with  the  entire  immigration 
question  in  such  a way  as  to  conserve  American  institu- 
tions, protect  American  labor  from  dangerous  economic 
competition  from  every  land,  and  promote  intelligent 
and  enduring  friendliness  and  good-will  between 
America  and  all  the  nations,  east  and  west. 

The  writer  has  sought  to  embody  the  above  general 
principles  in  suggestions  for  concrete  legislation.  He 
has  stated  .these  suggestions  in  various  articles  and 
pamphlets.  The  following  presentation  is  probably  the 
most  complete. 

I.  The  Control  of  Immigration.  Immigration  from 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


51 


every  land  should  be  controlled,  and,  if  excessive,  it 
should  be  restricted.  The  principle  of  restriction  should 
be  applied  equally  to  every  land,  and  thus  avoid  differen- 
tial race  treatment. 

2.  Americanization  the  Principle  of  Control.  The 
proven  capacity  for  genuine  Americanization  on  the  part 
of  those  already  here  from  any  land  should  be  the  mea- 
sure for  the  further  immigration  of  that  people.  New- 
comers make  their  first  contact  with  America  through 
those  who  speak  their  own  language.  The  Americaniza- 
tion, therefore,  of  newcomers  from  any  land  depends 
largely  on  the  influence  of  those  already  here  from  that 
land.  The  number  of  newcomers  annually  admissible 
from  any  land,  therefore,  should  be  closely  dependent 
on  the  number  of  those  from  that  land  who,  having  been 
here  five  years  or  more,  have  actually  become  American 
citizens.  These  know  the  language,  customs  and  ideals 
of  both  peoples,  ours  and  theirs. 

America  should  admit  as  immigrants  only  so  many 
aliens  from  any  land  as  she  can  Americanize. 

3.  The  Proposed  Restriction  Law.  Let,  therefore,  an 
immigration  law  be  passed  which  provides  that  the 
maximum  permissible  annual  immigration  from  any 
people  shall  be  a definite  per  centage  (say  five)  of  those 
from  that  people  who  have  already  become  naturalized 
citizens,  together  with  their  American-born  children. 
The  grandchildren  as  a rule  do  not  know  their  ancestral 
language,  and  therefore  do  not  aid  particularly  in  the 
Americanization  of  newcomers. 

The  permissible  annual  immigration  from  the  respec- 
tive peoples,  as  calculated  from  the  census  of  1910,  is 
given  in  the  tables  of  the  Appendix.  They  show  that 


52 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


in  general  there  would  be  no  restriction  on  immigration 
from  North  Europe.  The  reverse,  however,  would  be 
the  case  for  the  countries  of  South  Europe.  The  permis- 
sible immigration  from  China  and  Japan  would  be  less 
than  that  which  has  been  coming  in  recent  years.  (See 
the  charts  and  tables  III  and  IV  of  the  Appendix.) 

Provision  should  be  also  made  for  the  protection  of 
all  newcomers  from  ruthless  exploitation  and  for  their 
distribution,  employment  and  rapid  Americanization.  To 
aid  in  the  accomplishment  of  these  ends,  the  Federal 
Government  should  establish — 

4.  A Bureau  of  Registration.  All  aliens  should  register 
annually  until  they  become  American  citizens,  and  should 
pay  an  annual  registration  fee  of,  say  ten  dollars.  We 
need  to  know  who  the  aliens  are,  where  they  live,  and 
they  need  to  know  that  we  know  these  facts  about  them. 
A system  of  registration  could  be  worked  out  in  connec- 
tion with  a National  Employment  Bureau,  as  suggested 
by  the  late  Prof.  C.  R.  Henderson,  that  would  not 
involve  police  surveillance.  This  Bureau  should  be 
regarded  as  a method  for  friendly  aid,  not  of  hostile  and 
suspicious  control. 

5.  A Bureau  for  the  Edueation  of  Aliens.  This  Bureau 
should  set  standards,  prepare  text-books,  promote  the 
establishment  of  night  schools  by  states,  cities  and  towns 
— which  might  receive  federal  subsidies — and  hold 
examinations.  The  education  and  the  examinations 
should  be  free.  Provision  should  be  made  for  the 
reduction  of  the  registration  fee  by,  say  one  dollar  for 
every  examination  passed.  The  education  should  be 
simple  and  practical,  avoiding  merely  academic  profi- 
ciency. Let  there  be  six  examinations,  three  in  Eng- 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


53 


lish  and  one  each  in  the  History  of  the  American  People, 
in  the  IMethods  of  our  Government,  local,  state  and 
federal,  and  in  the  Ideals  of  Democracy.  When  all  the 
examinations  have  been  passed  there  would  still  remain 
the  annual  registration  fee  of  four  dollars  so  long  as 
the  individual  chooses  to  remain  an  alien. 

6.  New  Regulations  for  the  Bureau  of  Naturalization. 
Citizenship  should  be  granted  only  to  those  who  have 
passed  the  required  examinations  provided  by  the  Bureau 
of  Alien  Education  and  have  maintained  good  behavior 
during  the  five  years  of  probationary  residence.  The 
naturalization  ceremony  might  well  take  the  form  of  a 
dignified  welcome  service,  say,  on  a single  day  in  the 
year — the  Fourth  of  July — with  appropriate  welcome 
orations,  banners,  badges  and  banquets. 

7.  Citizenship  for  all  Who  Qualify,  Regardless  of 
Race.  Eligibility  to  naturalization  should  be  based  upon 
personal  qualifications  of  intelligence,  knowledge  and 
character.  The  mere  fact  of  race  should  be  neither  a 
qualification  nor  a disqualification. 

Such  are  the  main  outlines  of  the  proposed  Compre- 
hensive and  Constructive  Program  here  offered  for  the 
solution  of  the  entire  immigration  problem,  Asiatic  as 
well  as  European. 

8.  A Few  Additional  Details,  (a)  No  change  should 
be  made  in  the  schedule  for  maximum  immigration  be- 
tween the  census  periods.  With  each  new  census  a new 
schedule  should  be  prepared,  but  it  should  not  go  into 
operation  automatically.  Congress  should  reconsider  the 
whole  matter  once  in  ten  years  upon  receiving  the  figures 
based  upon  the  new  census,  and  decide  either  to  adopt 
the  new  schedule,  or  some  new  percentage  rate.  Pos- 


54 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


sibly  it  might  be  better  to  continue  the  same  schedule  for 
another  decade. 

(b)  Provision  should  be  made  for  certain  excepted 
classes.  Government  officials,  travelers  and  students 
would,  of  course,  be  admitted  outside  of  the  fixed 
schedule  figures.  Aliens  who  have  already  resided  in 
America  and  taken  out  their  first  papers,  or  who  have 
passed  all  the  required  examinations,  should  also  doubt- 
less be  admitted  freely,  regardless  of  the  schedule. 
W'omen  and  children  under  fourteen  years  of  age  should 
also  be  included  among  the  excepted  classes.  By  pro- 
viding for  such  exceptions  the  drastic  features  of  the 
proposed  plan  would  be  largely,  perhaps  wholly,  relieved. 

(c)  Should  the  restriction  required  by  the  five  per 
cent,  plan  be  regarded  as  excessively  severe  the  percentage 
rate  could  be  advanced.  In  any  case  it  seems  desirable 
that  the  five  per  cent,  restriction  should  be  applied  only 
to  males  fourteen  years  of  age  and  over. 

(d)  In  order  to  provide  for  countries  from  which  few 
have  become  American  citizens  a minimum  permissible 
annual  immigration  of,  say  i,ooo  might  be  allowed, 
regardless  of  the  percentage  rate. 

(e)  Registration,  with  payment  of  the  fee,  might  well 
be  required  only  of  male  aliens  twenty-one  years  of 
age  and  over.  Since,  however,  it  is  highly  desirable 
that  immigrant  women  also  should  learn  the  English 
language,  provision  might  be  made  that  all  alien  women 
should  register  without  payment  of  the  fee  and  be  given 
the  privileges  of  education  and  of  taking  the  examina- 
tions free  of  cost.  This  privilege  might  extend  over  a 
period  of  five  years.  After  passing  the  examinations 
there  should  be  no  further  requirement  for  registration. 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


55 


If,  however,  after  five  years  the  examinations  have  not 
been  passed,  then  they  should  be  required  to  pay  a regis- 
tration tax  of  six  dollars  annually,  a reduction  of  one 
dollar  being  allowed  for  every  examination  passed. 

(f)  In  order  to  meet  special  cases  and  exigencies,  such 
as  religious  or  political  persecutions,  war,  famine  or 
flood,  provision  might  well  be  made  to  give  special  power 
to  the  Commissioner  of  Immigration,  in  consultation  with 
the  Commissioner  of  Labor  and  one  or  two  other  speci- 
fied high  officials,  to  order  exceptional  treatment. 

(g)  The  proposed  policy,  if  enacted  into  law,  would 
put  into  the  hands  of  Congress  a flexible  instrument  for 
the  continuous  and  exact  regulation  of  immigration, 
adapting  it  from  time  to  time  to  the  economic  conditions 
of  the  country. 

(h)  How  the  war  is  to  influence  future  immigration 
is  uncertain ; some  anticipate  an  enormous  increase,  while 
others  expect  a decrease.  Is  it  not  important  for  Con- 
gress to  take  complete  and  exact  control  of  the  situation 
while  the  present  lull  is  on,  and  be  able  to  determine 
what  the  maximum  immigration  shall  be  before  we  find 
ourselves  overwhelmed  with  its  magnitude?  If  the  post 
bellum  immigration  should  prove  to  be  small  a law  limit- 
ing it  to  figures  proposed  by  this  plan  would  do  no 
harm.  If  it  should  prove  to  be  enormous  we  would  be 
prepared  to  deal  with  it. 

(i)  An  objection  to  the  proposed  plan  is  raised  by 
some.  It  is  urged  that  tens  of  thousands  would  suffer 
the  hardship  of  deportation  because  of  arrival  after  the 
maximum  limit  has  been  reached.  Such  a situation, 
however,  could  easily  be  avoided  by  a little  care  in  the 
matter  of  administration.  Provision  could  be  made,  for 


56 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


instance,  that  each  of  the  transportation  lines  bringing 
immigrants  from  any  particular  land  should  agree  with 
the  immigration  office  upon  the  maximum  number  of 
immigrants  that  it  may  bring  to  America  during  the  year, 
the  sum  total  of  these  agreements  being  equal  to  the  max- 
imum permissible  immigration  from  that  particular  land. 
There  would  then  be  no  danger  of  deportation  because 
of  excessive  immigration.  The  steamship  lines,  more- 
over, would  see  to  it  that  their  immigration  accommoda- 
tion would  be  continuously  occupied  throughout  the  year, 
avoiding  thus  a rush  during  the  first  two  or  three  months 
of  the  year. 

(j)  A second  objection  is  raised  by  some;  namely, 
the  difficulty  of  selecting  the  favored  few  in  those 
countries  where  the  restriction  would  be  severe.  This 
difficulty,  however,  would  be  completely  obviated  by  the 
steamship  companies  themselves.  Immigrant^  would 
secure  passage  in  the  order  of  their  purchase  of  tickets; 
first  come,  first  served. 

(k)  In  order  to  alleviate  hardship  as  far  as  possible, 
might  not  immigration  inspection  offices  be  established 
in  the  principal  ports  of  departure,  and  provision  be 
made  that  all  immigration  from  specified  regions  should 
receive  inspection  at  those  offices  alone,  such  inspection 
to  be  final? 

Would  not  the  above  proposals  for  a Comprehensive 
and  Constructive  Immigration  Policy  coordinate,  system- 
atize and  rationalize  our  entire  procedure  in  dealing  with 
immigration,  and  solve  in  a fundamental  way  its  most 
perplexing  difficulties?  Such  a policy  would  protect 
American  labor  from  danger  of  sudden  and  excessive 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


57 


immigration  from  any  land.  It  would  promote  the  whole- 
some and  rapid  assimilation  of  all  newcomers.  It  would 
regulate  the  rate  of  the  coming  of  immigrants  from  any 
land  by  the  proven  capacity  for  Americanization  of  those 
from  that  land  already  here.  It  would  keep  the  new- 
comers always  in  the  minority.  It  would  be  free  from 
every  trace  of  differential  race  treatment.  Our  rela- 
tions with  Japan  and  China  would  thus  be  right.  Such 
a policy,  therefore,  giving  to  every  people  the  “most 
favored  nation”  treatment,  would  maintain  and  deepen 
our  international  friendship  on  every  side. 

Criticism  of  this  plan  is  invited.  If  the  student  finds 
himself  in  harmony  with  this  proposal  a letter  of  en- 
dorsement would  be  appreciated. 

3.  The  New  Diplom.\cy 

China  and  Japan  have  been  placed  in  a serious  eco- 
nomic and  political  predicament  by  the  aggressive  and 
militaristic  nations  of  Christendom. 

Like  the  traveler  from  Jerusalem  to  Jericho,  they 
have  been  beaten  and  robbed.  Should  we  not,  like  good 
Samaritans,  take  steps  to  heal  the  wounds  already 
inflicted  upon  them,  to  protect  them  from  further  preda- 
tory aggression,  and,  so  far  as  in  us  lies,  to  aid  them — 
especially  China — in  getting  a wholesome  and  safe  start 
on  the  arduous  road  on  which  they  have  started? 

What  then  is  the  duty  of  America  at  this  time  in  its 
relations  to  Asia?  What  responsibilities  have  we,  if 
any?  Y'hat  may  we  do  to  put  and  keep  ourselves  right 
with  the  Orient?  How  may  we  render  them  helpful 
service  ? 

Both  China  and  Japan  are  facing  mighty  problems. 


58 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


The  early  solution  of  those  problems  concerns,  not  them- 
selves alone,  but  all  the  world.  Our  fate  is  in  truth 
involved  in  theirs.  The  urgency  accordingly  of  their 
appeal  should  command  our  earnest  and  sympathetic 
attention  and  secure  our  action.  Our  own  national  wel- 
fare through  the  long  future,  no  less  than  our  national 
character,  is  intimately  involved  in  our  response  to  that 
appeal. 

A brief  glimpse  at  the  history  of  our  treatment  of 
China  and  Japan  and  of  their  friendship  for  us  will 
throw  important  light  on  our  duty,  upon  the  character 
of  the  New  Diplomacy  that  not  only  our  statesmen,  but 
the  entire  nation,  should  adopt.  China’s  appeal  for 
justice  and  friendly  treatment  was  made  decades  ago, 
but  has  been  largely  ignored  by  the  statesmen  and  Chris- 
tians of  America.  Japan’s  appeal  is  more  recent.  Will 
America  heed  it  any  better? 

American  Treatment  of  China.  The  story  of  our  deal- 
ings with  China  is  as  a whole  one  of  which  we  need  not 
be  ashamed.  We  have  not  shared  in  the  aggressive 
designs  of  European  peoples.  We  have  not  seized  her 
territory,  bombarded  her  ports,  exacted  indemnities  or 
pillaged  her  capitals  as  have  other  nations.  On  the  con- 
trary, we  have  helped  preserve  her  from  “partition”  at 
a grave  crisis  in  her  relations  with  western  nations.  We 
are  returning  a considerable  part  of  the  Boxer  indemnity 
that  came  to  us.  By  1940  the  sum  returned  will  amount 
to  $39,000,000.  We  have  stood  for  the  “open  door”  and 
a “square  deal.”  Our  consular  courts  have  been  models 
of  probity  and  justice.  The  work  of  our  missionaries 
in  hospitals,  in  education,  in  famine  and  flood  relief  has 
been  highly  appreciated. 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


59 


In  consequence  of  such  factors  the  Chinese  as  a nation 
hold  to-day  a highly  gratifying  attitude  of  friendship 
toward  us.  So  conspicuous  has  this  friendship  and 
preferential  treatment  become  since  the  establishment  of 
the  Republic  that  other  nations  have  begun  to  note  it. 
In  the  reforms  taking  place  in  China,  especially  in  her 
educational  system,  in  her  political  and  social  reorgani- 
zation, and  in  her  moral  and  religious  awakening,  the 
influence  of  Americans  is  far  beyond  that  exercised  by 
any  other  people. 

When  we  turn,  however,  to  the  story  of  what  many 
Chinese  have  suffered  here  our  cheeks  tingle  with  shame. 
The  story  would  be  incredible  were  it  not  overwhelm- 
ingly verified  by  ample  documentary  evidence.  Treaties 
have  pledged  rights,  immunities  and  protection.  They 
have,  nevertheless,  been  disregarded  and  even  knowingly 
evaded ; and  this  not  only  by  private  individuals,  but 
by  legislators  and  administrative  officials.  Scores  of 
Chinese  have  been  murdered,  hundreds  wounded  and 
thousands  robbed  by  anti-Asiatic  mobs,  with  no  protec- 
tion for  the  victims  or  punishment  for  the  culprits. 
State  legislatures,  and  even  Congress,  have  enacted  laws 
in  contravention  of  treaty  provisions.  Men  appointed 
to  federal  executive  offices  have  at  times  administered 
those  laws  and  regulations  in  highly  offensive  methods. 

If  the  faithful  observance  of  treaties  between  the 
nations  of  Europe  constitutes  the  very  foundation  of 
civilization,  as  we  are  now  vehemently  told — and  this  is 
said  to  be  the  real  reason  why  Great  Britain  is  in  the 
war — is  not  the  faithful  observance  of  treaties  with 
Asiatics  the  foundation  of  right  relations  with  them  ? 

Now  when  China  becomes  equipped  with  a daily  press 


6o 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


and  adequate  world  news,  when  her  national  organiza- 
tion becomes  better  unified,  more  efficient  and  better 
equipped,  when  her  self-consciousness  is  more  perfectly 
developed,  and 'when ‘she  learns  that  Chinese  entering 
America  have  often  suffered  ignominious  treatment, 
that  Chinese  here  are  lawfully  deprived  of  rights  guar- 
anteed by  long  standing  treaties,  and  that  privileges 
granted  as  a matter  of  course  to  individuals  of  other 
nations  are  refused  to  Chinese  on  exclusively  racial 
grounds,  is  it  not  as  certain  as  the  rising  of  the  sun  that 
Chinese  friendship  for  America  will  wane  and  serious 
possibilities  develop? 

American  Treatment  of  Japan.  For  half  a century 
that  treatment  was  above  reproach,  and,  being  in  marked 
contrast  to  that  of  other  lands,  called  forth  a gratitude 
toward,  a friendship  for,  and  a confidence  in  America  that 
Americans  cannot  easily  realize.  I must  not  do  more 
than  refer  to  our  helpful  diplomacy  throughout  the 
entire  period,  our  return  of  the  Shimonoseki  Indemnity 
($785,000),  the  educational  and  philanthropic  work  of 
American  missionaries,  and  our  welcome  in  America 
for  Japanese  students,  giving  them  every  facility,  not 
only  in  our  schools  and  colleges,  but  in  our  factories  and 
industries. 

The  mutual  attitude,  however,  of  the  two  countries 
has  begun  to  change.  Tension,  more  or  less,  exists 
between  us  to-day.  Papers  in  both  countries  frequently 
assert  in  startling  headlines  that  war  is  certain.  Multi- 
tudes in  both  lands  accept  these  statements  without  ques- 
tion, and  are  developing  mutual  suspicion,  distrust,  and 
animosity.  False  stories  are  widely  circulating  in  each 
land,  about  the  other,  which  are  readily  believed. 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


6i 


European  Aggressions  in  China.  We  should  also  note 
briefly  some  details  concerning  China’s  experiences  at 
the  hands  of  Europe. 

In  the  nineties  the  “powers”  of  Europe,  having  com- 
pleted their  “division  of  Africa,”  began  to  look  with 
greedy  eyes  on  China.  In  1895  Germany,  Russia  and 
France  compelled  Japan  to  return  Port  Arthur  to  China 
in  order  to  maintain,  as  they  stated  in  their  deceitful 
diplomacy,  the  integrity  of  China  and  provide  for  the 
permanent  peace  of  the  Far  East.  Then  in  1897-1898, 
Germany  took  Kiaowchow  for  the  killing  of  two  Ger- 
man missionaries.  Russia  took  Wei-hai-wei  and  France, 
Kwanchow.  In  each  case  the  impotent  Manchu  Gov- 
ernment made  treaties  with  the  aggressive  “friendly 
powers,”  giving  them  increasing  concessions  and  priv- 
ileges. The  people  got  anxious.  The  occidental  aggres- 
sions led  (1900)  to  the  Boxer  Uprising.  China’s 
common  people  sought  to  turn  the  white  man  out  and 
keep  “China  for  the  Chinese.”  But  it  was  too  late.  Six 
“civilized”  armies  marched  up  to  Peking  to  teach  China 
a lesson  regarding  the  sacredness  of  treaties  and  the 
white  man’s  “rights,”  saddled  upon  China  an  indemnity 
of  $682,000,000,  far  exceeding  the  actual  costs.  Poor 
China ! 

Then,  according  to  mutual  agreement,  all  the  allies 
except  Russia  withdrew  their  troops.  The  latter,  ignor- 
ing her  promise,  not  only  left  her  soldiers  in  Manchuria 
but  began  to  send  in  thousands  more.  Japan  got  anxious. 
Negotiations  were  started.  Russia  dallied  and  delayed, 
still  increasing  her  forces,  completing  her  Siberian  rail- 
road, and  gaining  diplomatic  and  other  footholds  in 
corrupt  and  intriguing  Korea.  This  exasperating,  inso- 


62 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


lent  and  ominous  policy  produced  the  break  between 
Japan  and  Russia. 

The  Russo-Japanese  IVar.  Japan  felt  that  the  com- 
plete possession  by  Russia  of  Manchuria,  ^Mongolia  and 
Korea  threatened  her  very  existence  as  an  independent 
nation,  and  that  the  “partition  of  China"  also  would  be 
a mere  question  of  time.  But  Japan’s  earnest  grasp  at 
“civilization”  had  been  so  far  successful  that  single- 
handed,  though  indirectly  supported  by  her  alliance  with 
Great  Britain,  she  beat  back  the  “Bear  of  the  North,” 
and  for  the  time  being  saved,  not  only  herself,  but  also 
China  from  the  impending  “White  Peril"  that  had  swept 
over  all  South  Asia  from  IMesopotamia  to  Cochin  China, 
and  North  Asia  from  European  Russia  to  Alaska. 

But  enough.  Further  statement  of  occidental  wrong- 
doing in  the  Far  East  is  needless.  In  the  light,  however, 
of  these  experiences  by  Asiatics,  and  the  conditions  pro- 
duced thereby,  we  may  now  formulate  a few  suggestions 
as  to  the  general  character  of  the  policy  which  the  United 
States  should  pursue  in  its  dealings  with  China  and 
Japan.  It  must  be  in  general  a policy  that  will  continu- 
ously win  their  good-will  and  inspire  confidence  in  our 
character  and  our  international  purposes.  Does  the  fol- 
lowing enumeration  meet  the  requirements? 

I.  Among  the  delicate  problems  immediately  confront- 
ing both  the  United  States  and  Japan  is  that  of  their 
respective  policies  in  the  Pacific  Ocean.  “The  Mastery 
of  the  Pacific”  is  a favorite  theme  with  jingo  writers 
and  agitators  on  both  sides  of  the  Ocean.  Japan  has 
recently  acquired  certain  islands  formerly  belonging  to 
Germany.  In  reaching  them  she  inevitably  crosses  the 
line  of  our  travel  to  the  Philippine  Islands.  Should 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


63 


Japan,  after  the  fashion  of  the  western  nations,  and  as 
we  ourselves  have  done  in  the  Hawaiian  and  Philippine 
Islands,  proceed  to  fortify  one  or  more  of  those  newly- 
acquired  islands  and  build  upon  them  strong  naval  bases, 
what  would  be  the  effect  upon  American  feelings  and 
upon  America’s  Pacific  Ocean  policies? 

This  question  may  throw  light  upon  the  not  unnatural 
feelings  and  apprehensions  entertained  by  some  Japanese 
because  of  America’s  expansion  in  the  Pacific  through 
the  acquisition  of  Alaska,  the  Aleutian  Islands,  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  Guam,  and  the  Philippine  Islands, 
especially  because  of  our  establishment  of  powerful 
military  and  naval  bases  at  Honojulu  and  Corregidor. 

In  view  of  all  the  circumstances,  and  also  in  view  of 
the  proposal  of  the  United  States  to  give  the  Filipinos 
their  independence  in  the  not  distant  future,  would  it 
not  be  advisable  for  the  United  States,  Japan,  Great 
Britain  and  other  governments  possessing  islands  in  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  after  full  conference,  to  enter  upon  a 
mutual  compact ; first,  to  maintain  the  complete  inde- 
pendence and  integrity  of  the  Philippine  Islands;  second, 
to  fortify  and  use  as  naval  bases  no  islands  in  the  Pacific 
Ocean ; third,  to  dismantle  such  fortifications  as  now 
exist  (Honolulu,  for  instance)? 

This  proposal,  of  course,  does  not  mean  that  Australia, 
New  Zealand,  Japan,  Formosa  or  the  Philippines  shall  be 
unfortified,  or  have  no  naval  bases.  This  proposition 
concerns  only  those  islands  out  in  the  Pacific  which 
might  be  made  convenient  stepping  stones  across  the 
Pacific  in  case  of  conflict. 

Such  a procedure  would  make  the  Pacific  Ocean  truly 
“pacific” — an  unfortified  ocean  between  East  and  West. 


64 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


Under  such  conditions  a naval  attack  by  Japan  upon  the 
United  States  or  a naval  attack  by  the  Ehiited  States 
upon  Japan  would  be  practically  impossible. 

Such  joint  action  would  be  a pledge  of  the  most  power- 
ful and  striking  kind,  that  any  difficulties  that  may  arise 
between  the  United  States  and  Japan  would  be  settled 
by  reason  and  conference,  not  by  appeal  to  force.  The 
common  agreement  by  Japan  and  the  United  States  to 
endorse  and  follow  such  a policy  would  destroy  the 
foundations  of  many  an  aggravating  jingoistic  attack  in 
each  land  upon  the  other,  and  would  also  confirm  the 
confidence  of  each  land  in  the  good-will  and  sincerity  of 
the  international  policies  of  the  other. 

2.  Might  not  American  diplomacy  take  steps  to  sug- 
gest to  the  various  Powers  the  importance  of  making 
adequate  provision  for  the  political  independence  and 
integrity  of  China?  Is  not  this  a time  peculiarly  appro- 
priate for  such  action?  Should  not  International  plans 
be  made  and  agreements  entered  upon  at  an  early  date 
for  the  return  to  China  by  the  European  powers  of  all 
the  sections  of  her  territory  that  have  been  taken  from 
her?  Naturally  this  return  must  be  arranged  for  in  such 
wise  that  injury  shall  not  be  done  to  private  individuals. 
Such  return  can,  of  course,  be  effected  only  when  China 
is  prepared  to  administer  these  “concessions”  with  justice 
and  equity  to  all.  But  the  knowledge  on  the  part  of 
China  that  the  Powers  are  ready  to  return  these  ports 
and  provinces  as  soon  as  she  qualifies  for  their  admin- 
istration would  not  only  remove  animosity  and  suspicion, 
and  produce  a fine  feeling  of  trust  and  good-will,  but 
would  be  a powerful  factor  in  the  promotion  of  Chinese 
development. 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


65 


These  suggestions  do  not  of  course  propose  instant 
action  without  suitable  guarantees  or  compensations. 
History  has  established  certain  conditions  which  cannot 
be  treated  as  though  they  were  not.  Yet  the  sovereignty 
and  dignity  of  China  demand  that  these  conditions  shall 
not  permanently  remain.  China,  on  her  side,  must  of 
course  qualify  for  the  resumption  of  these  rights  and 
responsibilities.  Plans  honorable  and  equitable  for  all 
the  parties  concerned  can  certainly  be  found  when  selfish 
ambitions  are  abandoned.  It  is  folly  for  Occidentals  to 
fancy  that  China  can  feel  really  friendly  to  western 
nations  so  long  as  they  hold,  by  military  force,  strategic 
places  within  her  boundaries.  Foreign  troops  in  her 
capital  and  foreign  domination  in  important  ports  and 
provinces  insult  her  dignity  and  infringe  her  sovereignty. 

Having  said  thus  much  on  behalf  of  China  it  may  be 
desirable  to  add  that  China  should  really  qualify  for 
such  recovery  of  rights.  No  sham  reforms  or  superficial 
changes  will  suffice.  Her  plight  to-day  is  in  no  small 
part  due  to  the  political  stupidity,  practical  insufficiency 
and  financial  corruption  of  her  political  leaders.  The 
foreign  Governments  have  been  practically  forced  to 
impose  many  of  the  obnoxious  conditions  because  of 
China’s  own  faulty  actions  and  lack  of  response  to  the 
new  world-order. 

In  contrast  to  China  look  at  Japan.  She  took  a virile 
course.  She  completely  reorganized  her  government,  her 
educational  system,  her  courts  of  justice,  her  police  sys- 
tem and  everything  else  as  well  as  her  army  and  navy. 
China  needs  to  do  the  same.  Those  who  do  it  must  be 
genuine  men,  true  patriots  and  high-minded,  self-sacri- 
ficing reformers.  Not  until  genuine  patriots  in  large 


66 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


numbers  arise,  clean,  incorruptible,  self-sacrificing,  may 
we  look  for  that  national  regeneration  pre-essential  to 
the  recovery  and  continued  maintenance  of  international 
independence. 

The  world,  on  the  other  hand,  cannot  afford  to  coddle 
China.  Not  only  China’s  own  welfare,  but  that  of  every 
nation  is  vitally  connected  with  her  early  attainment  of 
political  stability  and  of  harmonious  response  to  the  new 
world-environment.  The  world  cannot  afford  to  have 
enormous  international  slums.  China  must  set  her  house 
in  order.  If  she  does  not,  others  will.  Nor  may  she 
long  pose  as  a friendless,  helpless  maiden  looking  to  the 
United  States  as  a big  brother  to  come  to  her  rescue. 
She  must  help  herself.  Until  she  does  her  own  part, 
no  outside  forces  can  help  her  much. 

The  real  cause  of  Korea’s  failure  to  maintain  her 
national  independence  was  in  her  inner  incompetence  and 
corruption.  She  was  unable  to  reform  her  social  struc- 
ture, moral  life,  and  political  practises  to  meet  the  de- 
mands of  the  new  world-environment.  Should  the  hun- 
dreds of  Chinese  students  now  studying  in  America  prove 
as  capable  and  self-sacrificing  as  did  Japan's  students 
who  came  to  the  W est  in  the  seventies  and  eighties,  and 
should  there  arise  great  patriots  in  China  as  in  Japan 
in,  the  sixties,  seventies  and  eighties,  then  there  is  hope 
for  China.  A mere  change,  however,  in  the  form  of 
government  from  Empire  to  Republic  without  change 
in  the  hearts  and  heads  and  lives  of  those  in  office  will 
avail  China  nothing.  Indeed  a corrupt  republic  is  sure 
to  be  just  as  helpless  and  in  reality  just  as  hopeless  as  a 
corrupt  empire. 

If  the  United  States  takes  steps  to  aid  China  in  the 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


67 


recovery  of  international  status  and  sovereignty,  China 
on  her  part  should  be  clearly  shown  the  conditions  and 
significance  of  that  help. 

3.  “Extra-territoriality”  is  a familiar  word  in  the  Far 
East.  It  refers  to  the  administration  of  occidental  laws 
in  oriental  territory.  English  consular  courts,  for  in- 
stance, administer  English  law;  French  consular  courts, 
French  law;  German  courts,  German  law;  American 
courts,  American  law,  and  similarly  throughout  the  list 
of  western  nations  having  treaties  with  China.  This 
arrangement  was  doubtless  inevitable  when  relations 
were  first  established  between  the  lands  of  the  West  and 
the  East.  Japan,  however,  resenting  this  invasion  of 
her  sovereignty,  promptly  proceeded  to  qualify  in  order 
to  meet  the  requirements  and  get  rid  of  the  obnoxious 
and  humiliating  situation.  For  the  fair  name  and  self- 
respect  of  China  and  in  the  establishment  of  right  inter- 
national relations,  should  not  the  western  nations 
frankly  say  to  China,  collectively  or  individually,  that 
they  are  willing  to  give  up  enforcement  of  “extra-terri- 
torial” laws  and  practises  as  soon  as  China  qualifies  her- 
self to  administer  justice  on  cosmopolitan  principles? 
Would  not  such  an  announcement  have  powerful  influ- 
ence, not  only  in  promoting  right  feelings  in  China  toward 
occidental  nations,  but  also  in  giving  strength  to  the 
reform  movements  in  China,  inspiring  them  with  strong 
motives  and  holding  out  splendid  international  results  to 
be  secured  by  national  progress?  IMight  not  America 
lead  off  in  such  a splendid  move,  which  could  bring 
nothing  but  gain  to  China  and  honor  for  all  the  partici- 
pating nations? 

4.  Among  the  humiliating  and  injurious  conditions 


68 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


forced  on  China  by  the  aggressive  nations  of  Christen- 
dom is  the  requirement  that  she  shall  not  impose  an 
import  duty  of  more  than  five  per  cent,  ad  valorem.  This 
is  a clear  infringement  of  China’s  sovereignty  (in  the 
advantages  of  which  all  the  nations  are  sharing)  as  well 
as  a serious  handicap  to  her  economic  prosperity.  It 
prevents  the  Government  of  China  not  only  from  util- 
izing a source  of  revenue  that  every  western  govern- 
ment draws  upon  heavily,  especially  America,  but  also 
from  promoting  home  industries  through  the  aid  of  a 
protective  tariff.  The  importance  of  this  latter  point 
America  has  special  reason  to  know.  In  the  interests, 
therefore,  of  China’s  own  economic  welfare,  as  well  as 
out  of  regard  to  her  sovereignty,  should  not  the  nations 
of  the  West  take  early  steps  to  return  to  China  full 
power  to  regulate  her  own  import  duties  ? WTat  western 
nation  would  accept  dictation  from  others  in  such  a 
vital  matter? 

Why  may  not  American  diplomacy  take  the  lead  in 
securing  such  a restoration?  Of  course,  the  imposition 
of  higher  import  duties  would  doubtless  interrupt  occi- 
dental and  Japanese  trade,  but  would  it  not  be  to  China’s 
real  and  permanent  advantage?  In  the  long  run  would 
not  a prosperous  China  be  a better  trader  with  other 
lands  than  a poverty-stricken  country  and  a financially 
impotent  Government  ? 

5.  “Spheres  of  Influence”  is  another  well-known  phrase 
in  Chinese  affairs.  Each  of  the  aggressive  governments 
of  the  West,  seeking  special  privileges  for  their  traders 
and  capitalists,  has  secured  from  China  special  conces- 
sions in  specified  areas  of  her  territory.  In  the  Rus- 
sian “sphere  of  influence”  other  nations  suffer  discrim- 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


69 


inatory  treatment  and  do  not  enjoy  full  opportunity  for 
trade  and  the  various  economic  advantages ; similarly  in 
the  British,  French  and  Japanese  “spheres  of  influence.” 
These  “spheres  of  influence”  are  secured  and  protected 
by  certain  treaty  pledges.  Carefully  considered,  these 
“spheres  of  influence”  are  incipient  infringements  of 
Chinese  sovereignty,  concessions  that  under  certain  con- 
ditions might  easily  develop  into  the  “partition  of  China 
among  the  powers.” 

What  western  nation  would  for  a moment  endure  a 
proposal  from  another  nation  to  grant  it  a “sphere  of 
influence”  ? Has  not  the  time  come  for  the  leading 
nations  of  the  world  to  abandon  this  invidious  and  obnox- 
ious practise  so  humiliating  to  China?  Why  should  not 
Germans,  British,  Russians,  Japanese,  French,  Amer- 
icans, Spanish  and  other  individuals  enjoy  equal  advan- 
tages, rights  and  privileges  in  any  and  every  part  of  China 
to  which  foreigners  are  admitted? 

Would  it  not  be  to  China’s  permanent  interest,  and  also 
to  the  real  interest  of  every  nation,  to  do  away  with  all 
“spheres  of  influence”?  If  so,  would  it  not  be  a suitable 
and  friendly  act  for  America  to  take  the  needful  steps 
to  bring  this  question  also  before  the  nations  and  secure 
cooperative  action?  For  in  this  as  in  the  other  cases, 
no  nation  can  act  alone.  The  action  must  be  collective 
or  no  forward  step  is  possible. 

6.  America’s  duty  in  the  Philippines  is  to  be  estimated 
not  only  from  the  standpoint  of  our  material  and 
financial  interests,  and  of  the  welfare  of  the  many  tribes 
that  inhabit  those  islands,  but  also  from  that  of  the  whole 
international  situation.  When  we  took  over  their 
ownership  from  Spain  we  became  responsible  not  only 


70 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


for  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  people  but  also  for 
the  maintenance  of  their  right  relations  with  the  rest  of 
the  world. 

Before  granting  them  complete  independence  there- 
fore we  must  be  sure  that  they  are  able  not  only  to  main- 
tain a stable  government,  and  deal  justly  with  one  an- 
other, but  also  to  deal  justly  with  aliens  in  their  territory 
and  with  the  governments  of  the  world.  Should  we 
withdraw  before  they  are  ready  to  fulfil  these  conditions, 
political,  commercial  and  financial  chaos  would  necessi- 
tate either  reoccupation  by  us  or  occupation  by  some 
other  government.  Their  seizure,  however,  whether  by 
Erance,  England,  Germany,  Australia  or  Japan,  could 
not  fail  to  cause  fresh  international  tension  between  the 
nations.  These  considerations  make  it  clear  that  Amer- 
ican oriental  diplomacy  must  proceed  cautiously  and 
with  assured  knowledge  of  the  consequences  before  we 
grant  complete  independence. 

7.  Might  not  Congress  invite  to  the  United  States  as 
guests  of  the  nation  groups  of  the  leading  statesmen 
from  China  and  Japan?  This  should  of  course  be  done 
in  a spirit  of  fraternal  good-will,  avoiding  every  appear- 
ance of  patronage  or  condescension.  These  men  should 
visit  a score  of  our  principal  cities,  spending  enough  time 
in  Washington  to  make  personal  acquaintances.  They 
should  make  addresses  at  our  principal  universities,  and 
meet  our  leading  representatives  of  business  and  labor 
in  the  Chambers  of  Commerce,  Central  Labor  Councils 
and  the  great  national  gatherings  of  many  kinds.  Con- 
sultations should  be  held  as  to  methods  for  promoting 
international  acquaintance  and  good-will. 

8.  What  better  method  could  be  devised  for  grappling 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


71 


with  the  real  problems  of  our  relations  with  Asia  than 
the  establishment  by  Congress  of  a “Federal  Commission 
on  Oriental  Relations”  ? Let  it  take  adequate  time  to 
study  the  new  international  and  interracial  situation  aris- 
ing with  the  new  world-order.  This  Commission  might 
well  be  composed  of  our  ablest  international  lawyers, 
statesmen,  economists  and  sociologists.  Let  them  con- 
sider every  phase  of  the  problems  of  our  relations  with 
Japan  and  China,  formulate  proposals  for  Federal  legis- 
lation, and  let  Congress  endorse  and  pass  such  recom- 
mendations as  they  may  make.  The  Commission  might 
well  visit  both  Japan  and  China  and  consult  fully  with 
the  statesmen  of  those  lands. 

9.  Might  not  Congress  appropriate  a million  dollars 
annually,  one  half  of  which  should  provide  scholarships 
to  Japanese  and  Chinese  students  for  study  in  the  United 
States  and  the  other  half  be  used  for  American  students 
to  study  in  Japan  and  China?  Consider  what  would 
be  the  effect  on  our  mutual  understanding  and  apprecia- 
tion and  also  on  the  development  of  commerce,  if  such 
a policy  were  carried  out  for  thirty  years. 

In  carrying  out  this  proposal,  extreme  care  would  of 
course  be  needed.  This  applies  not  only  to  the  selec- 
tion of  Japanese  and  Chinese  students  to  come  to  America, 
but  also  of  American  students  to  go  to  the  Orient.  Only 
men  of  tested  moral  character  should  be  subjected  to 
the  moral  strain  of  life  in  a foreign  land.  “To  send  our 
boys  to  the  Orient  indiscriminately  would  of  course 
wreck  them,”  writes  a friend.  The  institutions  to  which 
they  go,  their  courses  of  study  and  their  residences 
should  be  decided  on  consultation  with  proper  advisers. 
Their  work  and  conduct  should  be  subject  to  the  super- 


72 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


vision  of  responsible  administrators.  These  should  have 
authority  to  send  home  at  once  those  who  do  not  con- 
form to  the  required  standards  of  life,  conduct  and 
scholarship.  Properly  safeguarded,  great  good  could  not 
fail  to  come  from  the  interchange  of  students. 

10.  Again,  might  not  visits  to  China  and  Japan  be 
made  in  numbers  by  business  men  and  members  of 
women’s  clubs  and  societies?  Let  them  go,  not  merely 
as  dilettante  sightseers,  curio-hunters  and  pleasure 
seekers,  but  as  students  in  serious  quest  of  international 
knowledge.  Let  them  spend  the  needed  time,  three  or 
four  months  at  least,  in  studying  and  traveling.  The 
interest  no  less  than  the  value  of  such  travel  would  be 
far  greater  than  that  experienced  by  the  ordinary  “globe- 
trotter.” The  results,  moreover,  not  only  in  the  shape 
of  head  knowledge,  but  in  that  of  sympathy  and  appre- 
ciation, would  be  an  important  contribution  to  the  cause 
of  universal  good-will  and  permanent  peace. 

11.  Regarding  the  question  of  race  intermarriage  be- 
tween Caucasians  and  Asiatics,  should  not  an  interracial 
commission  of  experts  in  biology,  psychology  and  soci- 
ology be  established  for  the  study  of  the  actual  results 
of  race  amalgamation?  Should  intermarriage  be  found  l 
to  be  as  a rule  disastrous,  resulting  in  many  abnormal  I 
or  subnormal  individuals,  or  in  monstrosities,  physical 
or  moral,  laws  forbidding  intermarriage,  could  easily  be 
passed  in  Japan  and  China  as  well  as  among  Caucasian 
peoples.  Laws  passed  under  such  circumstances  would 
not  be  misunderstood  as  being  due  to  race  prejudice,  and 
would  not  accordingly  be  resented  by  either  side. 

12.  In  time  of  special  calamity  in  Japan  and  China — 
of  flood,  famine  and  earthquake — let  Congress  appro- 


THE  THIRD  POLICY 


73 


priate  adequate  sums  for  relief,  amounting  if  need  be 
even  to  millions  of  dollars. 

13.  Let  private  enterprise  continue  in  increasing  meas- 
ure the  excellent  work  of  the  past,  in  education,  med- 
ical work,  philanthropy,  and  the  direct  proclamation 
of  the  Gospel  message  of  the  Heavenly  Father’s  love 
and  the  brotherhood  of  man.  These  are  the  great  cre- 
ative ideas  and  forces  which  lift  individuals  and  peoples 
to  higher  levels  of  life  and  to  nobler  manhood.  These 
are  the  deeds  of  kindness  that  break  down  prejudice,  and 
call  forth  confidence  and  establish  good-will. 

Such  are  the  main  principles  and  proposals  of  those 
who  urge  “Golden  Rule  Internationalism”  as  the  solution 
of  the  problem  confronting  the  Occident  due  to  the 
awakening  of  Asia  and  her  entrance  into  the  life  of  the 
world. 

In  his  notable  address  at  Mobile  (October,  1913) 
President  Wilson  well  stated  the  general  principles  of 
true  international  relationships.  He  was  speaking,  it  is 
true,  with  the  South  American  nations  in  view,  but  his 
words  are  equally  true  of  the  world  as  a whole.  As 
reported  by  the  press,  he  said : 

“We  must  prove  ourselves  their  friends  and  cham- 
pions, upon  terms  of  equality  and  honor.  We  cannot  be 
friends  upon  any  other  terms  than  upon  the  terms  of 
equality.  We  cannot  be  friends  at  all  except  upon  the 
terms  of  honor,  and  we  must  show  ourselves  friends  by 
comprehending  their  interest,  whether  it  squares  with 
our  interest  or  not.  It  is  a very  perilous  thing  to  deter- 
mine the  foreign  policy  of  a nation  in  the  terms  of  mate- 
rial interest.  It  not  only  is  unfair  to  those  with  whom 


74 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


you  are  dealing,  but  it  is  degrading  upon  the  part  of  your 
own  actions. 

“Human  rights,  national  integrity  and  opportunity, 
as  against  material  interests — that,  ladies  and  gentle-  j 
men,  is  the  issue  which  we  now  have  to  face.”  ^ 

REFERENCE  LITERATURE  ON  CHAPTER  IV 

The  first  published  proposal  for  the  restriction  of  all  immi- 
gration along  the  lines  of  this  chapter  is  contained  in  The 
American  Japanese  Problem,  Chapter  XVII.  A briefer  state- 
ment was  made  in  the  The  Fight  for  Peace,  Chapter  XII.  The 
most  explicit  and  adequate  presentation  of  the  proposal,  and  the 
most  complete  tabulation  of  the  statistics  bearing  upon  the  matter, 
is  given  in  the  preceding  pages  and  in  the  Appendix. 

The  volume  entitled  “The  Japanese  Problem  in  the  United 
States.”  Chapter  XI  supports  the  proposed  plan  to  limit  all 
immigration  on  a percentage  plan. 

“Protection  of  Aliens,”  reports  of  committee  of  Lake  Mohonk 
Conference  on  International  Arbitration,  viz. : 

Baldwin,  “Protection  by  the  United  States  of  the  Rights  of 
Aliens,”  Proceedings  of  1915,  p.  148. 

Short,  “Federal  Protection  of  Aliens  in  the  United  States,” 
Proceedings  of  1914,  p.  74. 

Wilson,  “Treaty  Obligations  and  Protection  of  Aliens,”  Pro- 
ceedings of  1913,  p.  189. 

* Quoted  from  the  author’s  The  Fight  for  Peace,  isi. 


CONCLUSION 


Who  Is  Responsible? 

A practical  question  is  now  before  us.  How  is  such 
a policy  as  that  outlined  in  the  preceding  chapter  to  be- 
come effective?  Who  should  advocate  it  and  insist  upon 
its  being  put  into  operation  ? 

It  runs  counter  to  much  of  our  past.  It  conflicts  with 
not  a few  local  prejudices  and  many  material  interests. 
The  obstacles  to  its  adoption  are  many,  and  many  of 
these  are  powerful.  Perhaps  the  most  powerful  of  all 
is  the  momentum  of  bad  habits,  national  and  interna- 
tional. If,  therefore,  the  third  policy  is  the  right  one 
for  America,  those  who  take  that  view  must  consider 
how  its  adoption  is  to  be  secured. 

The  United  States,  fortunately,  is  so  organized  polit- 
ically that  every  citizen  has  his  share  of  responsibility 
and  also  of  opportunity,  for  all  that  happens.  Any  move- 
ment therefore  of  thought  or  will  which  is  sufficiently 
accepted  by  the  people  may  be  put  into  practise  and 
tested. 

The  method  also  for  securing  the  national  adoption 
of  this  policy  is  clear.  Those  who  believe  in  it  must  first 
carry  on  a nation-wide  campaign  of  education.  Few, 
relatively  speaking,  know  as  yet  the  facts  and  the  factors 
of  America’s  Oriental  Problem.  When  the  campaign 
of  education  has  sufficiently  advanced  the  time  will 
come  for  legislation.  And  finally,  when  legislation  has 
been  enacted,  then  will  the  time  come  for  administrative 


75 


76 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


officials,  diplomats,  and  ambassadors  to  carry  out  the  will 
of  the  people. 

Who  now  should  be  regarded  as  responsible  for  the 
adoption  of  the  proposed  policy? 

1.  Business  men  who  desire  opportunity  for  uninter- 
rupted trade  under  the  most  extensive  and  most  whole- 
some conditions.  Can  anyone  question  the  proposition 
that  the  third  policy  will  ultimately  produce  conditions 
far  more  favorable  for  commerce  than  either  of  the 
other  policies? 

2.  Citizens  in  all  the  lowly  walks  of  life,  and  labor- 
ing classes,  who  desire  the  lowest  possible  taxation  and 
the  greatest  possible  prosperity  through  uninterrupted 
opportunity  for  work.  If  the  arguments  advanced  in 
these  pages  are  correct  the  pursuance  of  either  the  first 
or  the  second  policy  cannot  fail  to  entail  vast  expenses 
for  military  and  naval  development.  The  third  policy 
alone  gives  promise  of  diminishing  expenses  in  prepara- 
tions for  war,  and  of  promoting  the  highest  general  pros- 
perity. 

3.  Industrial  workers,  parents,  zvomcn  and  children 
upon  whom  the  tragedy  of  war  falls  most  heavily.  Pol- 
icies one  and  two  cannot  fail  sooner  or  later  to  involve 
the  United  States  in  a conflict  with  Asia.  While  cap- 
italistic classes  suffer  somewhat  they  also  often  make 
vast  profits  out  of  war.  The  real  sufferers  are  the  young 
men  who  are  wounded  and  crippled  for  life,  the  parents 
who  lose  support,  the  mothers,  the  widows,  and  the 
orphaned  children.  These  then  are  classes  who  should 
feel  the  responsibility  for  adopting  the  third  policy. 

4.  Christians,  who  believe  in  the  Fatherhood  of  God 
and  the  brotherhood  of  man.  War  between  peoples  and 


COXXLUSIOX 


77 


races  is  no  part  of  God’s  plan  for  his  children.  War  con- 
flicts with  the  establishment  of  those  relations  of  justice, 
righteousness  and  good-will  that  are  fundamental 
factors  in  the  kingdom  of  Heaven. 

5.  Foreign  Mission  Boards  and  Societies  should  be 
supremely  conscious  of  their  responsibility  for  the  adop- 
tion of  this  third  policy.  These  groups  of  men  and 
women  devoted  to  foreign  missions  are  actively  con- 
cerned with  the  establishment  in  foreign  lands  of  the 
kingdom  of  Love  first  proclaimed  by  Jesus  Christ.  One 
of  the  mighty  obstacles,  however,  to  the  success  of  their 
enterprise  is  the  failure  of  Christian  lands  and  our  own 
land  to  adopt  the  principles  of  the  Kingdom  in  their 
dealings  with  the  Orient.  It  would  therefore  seem  that 
all  Christians  whose  hearts  have  already  become  so 
opened  to  the  mighty  vision  of  a world-brotherhood,  and 
whose  efforts  are  devoted  to  its  realization,  should  be 
actively  opposed  to  the  continuance  of  policies  one  and 
two.  Are  they  not  the  ones  who  should  take  every  pos- 
sible step  to  secure  the  early  adoption  of  policy  three? 
The  outbreak  of  war  between  Japan  and  America,  or 
between  China  and  America,  would  ring  the  death  knell 
of  missionary  work  in  those  lands. 

W’hat  factor  for  promoting  Christian  ^Missions  in 
Japan  and  China  is  more  important  than  the  adoption 
by  America  of  the  third  policy? 

If  the  above  considerations  are  cogent  then  why  should 
there  not  be  developed  an  active  campaign  in  all  parts  of 
America  for  the  study  of  this  problem  and  the  adoption 
of  these  principles? 

Such  a campaign  is  indeed  beginning.  The  World 


78 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ORIENT 


Alliance  for  the  Promotion  of  International  Friendship 
through  the  churches — American  Branch — is  inviting 
every  local  church  to  establish  its  own  Peace  Makers’ 
Committee.  By  this  act  the  churches  will  become  affiliated 
with  each  other  and  with  the  World  Alliance  of  Churches, 
and  will  together  enter  on  those  courses  of  study,  and 
action  for  the  development  of  intelligent  public  opinion 
upon  which  reliance  must  be  placed  for  the  effective 
adoption  by  the  nation  of  the  Golden  Rule  as  its  guiding 
principle  in  international  relations.  W’hat  more  important 
duty  calls  to-day  for  patriotic  volunteers  than  this  of 
setting  right  our  relations  with  Asia  and  Asiatics?  All 
who  believe  in  the  New  Internationalism  should  cooperate 
in  the  demand  that  righteousness  and  good-will  domi- 
nate America’s  International  Policies. 


“Blessed  are  the  Peace  Makers.” 


APPENDIX  A 


Statistical  Tables  and  Charts 

The  statistical  tables  of  this  appendix  give  the  actual 
immigration  of  the  five  years  ending  June  30,  1915.  so 
classified  as  to  show  what  the  effect  upon  that  immigra- 
tion would  have  been  if  the  proposed  five  per  cent,  stand- 
ard for  its  limitation  had  been  in  force.  The  basal  figures 
here  given  have  been  especially  prepared  for  the  writer  by 
the  statistician  of  the  Bureau  of  Immigration. 

In  classifying  aliens  the  Immigration  Bureau  distin- 
guishes between  immigrants  (who  come  for  permanent 
residence  here)  and  non-immigrants  (who  come  for  a 
transient  stay).  The  five  per  cent,  restriction  proposal 
does  not  in  any  way  limit  the  entering  of  non-immigrants, 
of  children  or  of  women.  It  affects  only  males  fourteen 
years  of  age  and  over. 

Column  6 gives  the  standards  for  the  maximum  per- 
missible annual  immigration  of  males  from  the  various 
races  and  peoples  according  to  the  five  per  cent,  restric- 
tion policy  here  advocated.  This  column  is  derived 
from  the  Census  of  1910;  the  figure  for  each  people 
is  five  per  cent,  of  the  American-born  children  of 
foreign  parents  of  that  people  plus  the  number  of  those 
from  that  same  people  who  have  become  naturalized 
citizens.  This  last  item  (the  naturalized  citizens)  was 
secured  “by  mathematical  calculations  based  upon  Tables 
XIII  and  XXXIII,  pp.  975  and  1082,  Vol.  I,  of  the  Census 
Population  Report  for  1910.”  Subtracting  the  figures  of 

79 


8o 


APPENDIX  A 


column  6 from  those  of  column  5 (the  average  annual 
number  of  males  actually  admitted)  we  secure  column  7, 
showing  the  annual  average  number  of  males  who  would 
have  been  excluded  had  the  five  per  cent,  limitation  prin- 
ciple been  in  force. 

The  number  of  immigrant  children  admitted  during  the 
five  years  ending  June  30,  1915,  may  be  secured  by  sub- 
tracting the  sum  of  the  figures  given  in  Table  I,  columns 
3 and  4 from  the  corresponding  figures  given  in  column  2. 

In  order  to  show  in  more  detail  the  working  of  the  five 
per  cent,  limitation  plan,  Tables  III  and  IV  have  been 
added  dealing  wdth  Japan,  China  and  Italy  for  each  year  j 
from  1911  to  1915.  ' 

j 

Points  to  Notice 

1.  The  proposals  here  made  w'ould  impose  a more  rigid  ; 
restriction  not  only  upon  Japanese  but  also  upon  Chinese 
than  that  which  is  imposed  by  the  present  laws  and 
arrangements. 

2.  The  restriction  upon  Italians  is  particularly  strik- 
ing. But  note  the  large  disparity  between  Italian  male  i 
and  female  immigrants  (Table  III,  columns  4 and  5). 

3.  The  plan  here  proposed  if  in  force  would  have  1 

imposed  no  restriction  upon  Hebrew  immigration.  , 

4.  The  average  immigration  from  Europe  for  the  | 
past  five  years  was  of  course  seriously  disturbed  by  a 
striking  decrease  for  1915  because  of  the  war.  Allow- 
ance must  be  made  for  this  factor. 

5.  The  restriction  of  the  immigration  of  men  will 
of  course  sooner  or  later  affect  that  of  women  and  chil- 
dren. 

6.  In  column  6,  1,000  should  be  substituted  in  each 


APPENDIX  A 


8i 


place  where  the  five  per  cent,  rate  would  allow  an  immi- 
gration less  than  this  amount,  in  harmony  with  the  pro- 
posal of  paragraph  (d)  on  page  54.  This  explains  the 
apparent  discrepancy  between  charts  on  pages  86  and  89 
as  to  the  maximum  permissible  immigration  of  South 
Europeans.^ 

7.  The  total  annual  average  immigration  of  males 
from  those  countries  whose  actual  immigration  was  less 
than  their  permissible  maximum  amounted  to  about 
170,000,  while  the  total  permissible  annual  immigration 
of  males  from  those  countries  that  exceeded  their  permis- 
sible maximum  amounted  to  about  136,000.  If  the  immi- 
gration, therefore,  of  the  past  five  years  had  been  regu- 
lated by  the  policy  set  forth  in  this  pamphlet,  the  average 
immigration  of  males  from  all  countries  would  have  been 
about  306,000  annually,  instead  of  the  average  of  518,- 
000  which  actually  were  admitted. 

8.  The  apparent  discrepancy  between  the  total  immi- 
gration given  on  page  87  and  the  total  admissions  from 
Europe  alone  given  on  page  88  is  due  to  the  inclusion  of 
non-immigrants  in  the  latter  figure  and  their  exclusion 
from  the  former  figure. 

' To  simplify  the  charts.  South  Europeans  is  used  for  South  and  East,  and  North 
Europeans  for  North  and  West  Europeans. 


TABLES  SHOWING  HOW  THE  FIVE  PER  CENT  RESTRICTION  PROPOSAL  WOULD  HAVE  AFFECTED 
IMMIGRATION  FOR  THE  PERIOD  1911-1915 


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•“'S 

B-p 

si 


* a ^ e 

>3  5 

; O 


.J,  ^ ^ (m  o 

W 2qUw 

*T3  Ih  •'rt 

’fitn  52  rt 

u i>  b "5 

leS'f  “S 


cs  PO  ^ tod  fiod  dk  d M PS  PO  ^ tod  pi 00  Ok  o 
CJ  PS  PS  PS  PS  PS  PS  PS  POPOfOfOPOfOPOPOPOrO^ 


83 


84 


APPENDIX  A 


85 


Growth  of  Inraii^ration 


1S90  m5  1900  1905  1910  1915 


86 


APPENDIX  A 


The  5%  RestrictionPropo^al 

CENSUS  1910 

A-  5%  of  B 

C “Resident  jMale  Aliens  2lyears  ni  and  over 


Besi<l£ivt  Male 
A-liezvd 
(1.167,000.) 


A 


permissible  Ala3^ 
Invmi  ATation 
(759,000.) 


AmericaTL  Born. 
Children 
(13, 00a, 000.) 

B 

"Naturalized 
Citizeris 
(2,181,  OOOJ 


North  Europeans 


0Permiisitle 
Male 

Imrai^ralienCi  7 3. 000) 


American  Bom 
CJuldrcjv 
(2.906,000.) 

B 

Itaturalixed 

Citizens 

(591,000.) 


5outh  EnropeaiiS 


APPENDIX  A 


87 


The  52  Restriction  Proposal 

a-rnl 

Imnii^ratian  from  All  Peoples 

A.ve.Ta.^es  for  1911-IP15 


Anniuil  a.d.Tni£sioi'Vd 


How  -tKe  -propoa aI  would. 
Kdve  a.ffec.ted.  admissions 


APPENDIX  A 


The  5%  Restrictiaa  Proposal 


a.xx<i 


Immi^atiorL  from  Europe 

Averages  for  1911- 1015 


NoriVi.  Eiarope 

3 2 2,000-100% 


Annud.1  adn\i6«icn« 


Hew  tHe -propoa <*1  would 
Ivftve  affected  liruni^ratjan. 


SoutTi  Etirope 


. ^ . How  "tHe  proposal  vroiild 

Amtudl  adnnsatond  affected 


APPENDIX  A 


89 


Compdrisori  of  Actual 

a-nd. 

Permissible  Immigration 

for-  IQII  "IQ  I 5 


NortK 

Eixropeaixs 


□ 


Permissible 

jA-ctixal 


i 

ns.ooo 

m 

'milk 

Sontlru 

Europeans 


0 0 

0 0 

0 0 

■s 

CH] 

OtKer 

Peoples 


90 


APPENDIX  A 


200  '000 


1 ^ i A J ^ ' 


H 'Men.  who  would  have  heen  excluded 
□ =Men  who  would  have  heen  admitted 
1 'fa-lirnni^rdiits  and  Wom  and  Childnen(iurt  affected) 


The_5% Restriction  Proposal 

a-Tvd- 

Immi^ration.  from.  Italy 


APPENDIX  A 


91 


The  5^  RestrictionProposcil 

artd 

Immi ^ration  fronOT apart 


1911  1912  1913  IQM  1915 


■ =Wen  wlio  would  Kave  beeit  excltided 
n ' M^n  wKo  would-  haveljeen.  admittea 
M ' i^on-Inuni^rants  andll^Jinen  and  ChiMrm&iot  affect«I) 


92 


APPENDIX  A 


The  5%  RestrictionProposal 
Immi^ratiorL  from  CMria. 


1911 


1912  1913  1914  1913 


■ "Mm'whovould  Piavel^een  excluded 
□ -Men  wli0  would  have  Ijeen  admitted 
M -Ifan-bnini^aTits  and  Women  and  Quldrai(?f?Jbted) 


APPENDIX  B 


Bibliography 
Chapter  I 

I.  Europe’s  Tragedy  and  America’s  Awakening 
BOOKS  AND  PAMPHLETS 

Ainslee,  Peter.  Christ  or  Napoleon,  Which?  1914.  F.  H. 
Revell  Co.,  New  York. 

Gulick,  Sidney  L.  The  Fight  for  Peace.  1915.  F.  H.  Revell 
Co.,  New  York. 

Jefferson,  Charles  E.  Christianity  and  International  Peace.  1915. 

T.  Y.  Crowell  & Co.,  New  York. 

Lynch,  Frederick.  The  Last  War.  1915.  F.  H.  Revell  Co.,  New 
York. 

2.  The  Asiatic  Problem 

De  Forest,  John  H.  “The  Truth  About  Japan.”  World  Peace 
Foundation,  Boston. 

Jordan,  David  Starr.  Syllabus  of  Lectures  on  International 
Conciliation,  pp.  63-65,  “A  War  Scare : The  United  States 
and  Japan.”  1911.  World  Peace  Foundation,  Boston. 
Jordan,  David  Starr.  War  and  Waste,  pp.  261-272,  “The 
Japanese  Immigration,  Anti-Alien  Legislation  in  California, 
the  Race  Problem  of  America.”  1913.  Doubleday,  Page  & 
Co.,  New  York. 

PERIODICALS 

“Captain  Hobson  as  a War  Prophet.”  Review  of  Reviews,  New 
York.  Vol.  XXXVIII,  366,  367,  September,  1908. 
“Dangerous  Falsehoods.”  Outlook,  New  York.  July  26,  1913. 
“Diplomatic  Communications  with  Japan.”  Outlook,  New  York. 

Vol.  evil,  578-580,  July  II,  1914. 

“Dream  Book:  War  Between  Japan  and  the  United  States.” 
Outlook,  New  York.  Vol.  CXI,  535,  536,  November  3,  1915. 
“Folly  of  War  Talk.”  Review  of  Reviews,  New  York.  Vol. 
XXXVI,  131-136,  1909. 

“Inevitable  War  Between  the  United  States  and  Japan,”  by 
P.  H.  B.  d’Estournelles  de  Constant.  Independent,  New 
York.  Vol.  LXX,  1261-1265,  1911. 

“If  War  Should  Come,”  by  Richmond  P.  Hobson.  Cosmopolitan, 
New  York.  Vol.  XLIV,  584-593;  Vol.  XLV,  38-47,  382-387. 
May-June,  September,  1908. 

“Japanese  Bogy.”  World’s  Work,  New  York.  Vol.  XXI,  14076, 
14077,  1911. 


93 


94 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


“Japan’s  Preference  for  Peace  with  America,”  by  Y.  Ichihashi. 

Outlook,  New  York.  Vol.  LXXXVII,  295-297,  1907. 

“Public  Nuisance.”  Independent,  New  York.  Vol.  LXV,  161, 
162,  July  16,  1908. 

“Relations  of  Japan  and  the  United  States,”  by  David  Starr 
Jordan.  Journal  of  Race  Development,  Worcester,  Mass. 
Vol.  II,  215-224,  January,  1912. 

“Relations  of  the  United  States  with  China  and  Japan,”  hy 
T.  lyenaga.  Annals  of  the  Academy  of  Political  and  Social 
Science,  Philadelphia.  Vol.  LIV,  254-259,  July,  1914. 
“Relations  of  the  United  States  with  China  and  Japan,”  by  J.  G. 
Kasai.  Annals  of  the  American  Academy  of  Political  and 
Social  Science,  Philadelphia.  Vol.  LIV,  260-269,  July,  1914. 
“Straining  an  Historic  Friendship,”  by  Hamilton  Holt.  Inde- 
pendent, New  York.  May  i,  1913. 

“Views  of  the  Navy  and  Japan.”  Independent,  New  York.  Vol. 

LXIV,  165,  167,  January  16,  1908. 

“Why  Japan  Cannot  Declare  War.”  Literary  Digest,  New  York. 
Vol.  XLVI,  1369,  June  21,  1913. 

“Why  a Japanese-American  War  is  Impossible.”  Review  of  Re- 
views, New  York.  Vol.  XLHI,  613,  614.  1911. 

“Yarn  of  Turtle  Bay.”  Outlook,  New  York.  Vol.  CIX,  951. 
April  28,  1915. 

Chapter  II 

I.  White  Race  World  Supremacy 

BOOKS 

Millis,  H.  A.  The  Japanese  Problem  in  the  United  States.  1915. 
Macmillan  Co.,  New  York. 

Abbott,  James  Francis.  Japanese  Expansion  and  American 
Policies.  1916.  Macmillan  Co.,  New  York. 

PERIODICALS 

“America,  Japan  and  the  Pacific,”  by  A.  Kinnosuke.  Harper’s 
Weekly,  New  York.  Vol.  LX,  177-179,  February  20,  1915. 
“Inferiority  of  the  Caucasian  Race.”  Independent,  New  York. 
Vol.  LXVI,  330,  331.  1909. 

“Is  the  United  States  a World  Power?”  by  Ignotus.  North 
American  Review,  New  York.  Vol.  CLXXXHI,  1 107-11 19. 
1906. 

“Issue  with  Japan  Grows  Into  a World  Issue.”  Current  Opinion, 
New  York.  Vol.  LV,  7-11,  July,  1913. 

“Not  the  Right  Way.”  Outlook,  New  York.  Vol.  CVII,  645, 
July  18,  1914. 

“Our  Duty  to  China  and  to  Japan.”  Literary  Digest,  New  York. 
Vol.  L,  737,  738,  April  3,  1915. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


95 


2.  The  Effects  of  the  First  Policy  on  the  White  Race 

BOOKS 

D’Estournelles  de  Constant,  Baron.  Papers  on  International 
Racial  Problems,  pp.  383-387,  “The  Respect  which  the  White 
Race  Owes  to  Other  Races.”  1911.  World  Peace  Founda- 
tion, Boston. 

Hobson,  J.  A.  Imperialism : A Study.  1906.  A.  Constable  & Co., 
London. 

PERIODICALS 

“Americans  and  the  Far  Fast,”  by  H.  W.  Mabie.  Outlook,  New 
York.  Vol.  CIV,  754-757,  August  2,  1913. 

“Are  We  Honest  with  Japan?”  by  J.  D.  Whelpley.  Century, 
New  York.  Vol.  LXXXVHI,  105-108,  May,  1914. 

“Freaks  of  Race  Prejudice.”  ' The  Nation,  New  York.  Vol. 
LXXXIV,  168.  1907.  _ 

“Immigration  from  the  Orient,”  by  H.  C.  Nutting.  The  Nation. 

New  York.  Vol.  XCVHI,  724,  725,  June  18,  1914. 

“Menaces  to  American  Peace,”  by  F.  L.  Fox.  McBrides,  New 
York.  September,  1915,  86-90;  October,  1915,  54. 

“Our  Honor  and  Shame  with  Japan,”  by  W.  F.  Griffis.  North 
American  Reviezv,  New  York.  Vol.  CC,  566-575,  October, 

1914. 

3.  The  Effects  of  the  First  Policy  on  Asiatic  Peoples 

PERIODICALS 

“Attitude  of  Japan  Toward  the  United  States,”  by  A.  Kinnosuke. 

Independent,  New  York.  Vol.  LXH,  1457-1459,  1907. 

“Japan  on  the  Land-Law  Deadlock.”  Literary  Digest,  Vol. 

XLIX,  263,  264  August  15,  1914. 

“Japanese  Conceptions  of  America.”  Sunset,  San  Francisco. 

Vol.  XXXIV,  346,  February,  1915. 

“Japanese  in  the  United  States  and  the  Opinion  in  Tokyo.” 
Current  Literature,  New  York.  Vol.  XLHI,  483-488,  1907. 
“Japanese  Rights  in  America.”  Literary  Digest,  New  York.  Vol. 
LXIX,  48-50,  July  II,  1914. 

“Japanese  Wrath  at  Our  Immigration  Bills.”  Literary  Digest, 
New  York.  Vol.  XLVHI,  252,  February  7,  1914. 

“Snarl  of  Waking  Asia.”  Everybody’s,  New  York.  Vol.  XXXII, 
587-600,  May,  1915. 

“Yellow  First,”  by  Ackmed  Abdullah.  Sunset,  San  Francisco. 
January,  1915. 

“Yellow  Pity  for  White  Prejudice.”  Literary  Digest,  New  York. 
Vol.  XLIV,  525,  1912. 


96 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


4.  A Critical  Study  of  Alleged  “Yellow  Peril” 

PAMPHLETS 

Ladd,  George  Trumbull.  “America  and  Japan.”  American 
Association  for  International  Conciliation,  New  York. 

Low,  Seth.  “The  East  and  the  West.”  American  Association 
for  International  Conciliation,  New  York. 

PERIODICALS 

“American  Naturalization  of  the  Japanese,”  by  J.  H.  Wigmore. 
American  Law  Review,  Saint  Louis.  Vol.  XXVIII,  818-837, 
^994- 

“American-Japanese  Discussions  Relating  to  the  Land  Tenure 
Law  of  California.”  American  Journal  of  International  Law, 
New  York.  Vol.  VIII,  571-578,  July,  1914. 

“Americanizing  the  Japanese,”  by  W.  S.  Harwood.  World  To- 
Day.  Vol.  IX,  12^-1292,  December  19,  1905. 

“California  and  Japan.”  Independent,  New  York.  Vol.  LXXIV, 
1053,  1 1 15,  1 1 16,  May  8,  22,  1913. 

“California  and  Japan,”  by  F.  G.  Peabody.  Outlook,  New  York. 

Vol.  CIV,  758,  759,  August  2,  1913. 

“California  and  the  Japanese.”  Outlook,  New  York.  Vol.  CIX, 
249,  250,  February  3,  1915. 

“California  and  the  Japanese.”  Review  of  Reviews,  New  York. 
Vol.  XXXIX,  278-280,  1909. 

“California  and  the  Japanese,”  by  H.  A.  Millis.  Survey,  New 
York.  Vol.  XXX,  332-336,  June  7,  1913. 

“California  and  the  Japanese,”  by  Lincoln  Stephens.  Collier’s, 
New  York,  March  25,  1916. 

“Can  We  Assimilate  the  Japanese?”  Literary  Digest,  New  York. 

Vol.  XLVII,  165,  166,  August  2,  1913. 

“Democracy  and  Race  Friction.”  American  Economic  Review, 
Vol.  IV,  936-938,  December,  1914. 

“History  of  the  Movement,”  by  J.  Foord.  Outlook,  New  York. 
Vol.  LXXXVI,  101-105,  1907. 

“Japan  and  the  United  States,”  by  J.  D.  Whelpley.  Fortnightly 
Review.  Vol.  Cl,  885-892,  May,  1914. 

“Japan  in  California,”  by  P.  C.  Macfarlane.  Collier’s,  New  York. 
June  6,  1913. 

“Japanese  as  American  Citizens.”  Chautauquan,  Chautauqua, 
N.  Y.  Vol.  XLII,  392-394,  1906. 

“Japanese  Exclusion,”  by  David  Starr  Jordan.  Independent, 
New  York.  Vol.  LXI,  1425,  1426,  December  13,  1906. 
“Japanese  Exclusion,”  by  David  Starr  Jordan.  Independent, 
New  York.  Vol.  LXXIV.  978,  May  i,  1913. 

“Japanese  in  California,”  by  Chester  H.  Rowell.  World’s  Work, 
New  York,  June,  1913. 


, BIBLIOGRAPHY  97 

“Japanese  Question,”  by  John  Mahan.  American  Law  Review, 
Saint  Louis,  Mo.  Vol.  XLVIII,  698-713,  September,  1914. 
“Relations  of  Japan  and  the  United  States,”  by  David  Starr 
Jordan.  Popular  Science  Monthly,  New  York.  Vol.  LXXX, 
I5I-I57)  February,  1912. 

“Social  Assimilation : America  and  China,”  by  C.  R.  Henderson. 
American  Journal  of  Sociology,  Chicago.  Vol.  XIX,  640- 
648,  March,  1914. 

“White  and  Yellow  in  California,”  by  M.  V.  Woehlke.  Outlook, 
New  York,  May  10,  1913. 

Chapter  III 

I.  World  Segregation  of  the  White  and  Yellow  Races 
BOOKS 

Gulick,  S.  L.  The  Fight  for  Peace.  1915.  F.  H.  Revell  Co., 
New  York. 

Gulick,  S.  L.  The  American-Japanese  Problem.  1913.  Charles 
Scribner’s  Sons,  New  York. 

PAMPHLETS 

Myers,  Charles  S.  Papers  on  Inter-Racial  Problems,  pp.  73-78, 
“On  the  Permanence  of  Racial  Mental  Differences.”  1911. 
World’s  Peace  Foundation,  Boston. 

Sugi,  Giuseppe.  Papers  on  Inter-Racial  Problems,  pp.  67-72. 
“Differences  in  Customs  and  Morals  and  Their  Resistance 
to  Rapid  Change.”  1911.  World  Peace  Foundation,  Boston. 
PERIODICALS 

“Asiatic  Emigration;  A World  Question,”  by  S.  N.  Singh. 
Living  Age,  Boston.  Vol.  CCLXXXII,  387-393,  August 
IS,  1914- 

“Races  Cannot  Mingle.”  North  American  Review,  New  York. 

Vol.  CLXXXIII,  1201-1203,  1906. 

“World’s  Most  Menacing  Problem.”  Collier’s,  New  York.  May 
31,  1913- 

Chapter  IV 

I.  The  New  Internationalism 
BOOKS 

Lynch,  Frederick.  What  Makes  a Gteat  Nation?  F.  H.  Revell 
Co.,  New  York. 

Mackenzie,  J.  S.  Papers  on  Inter-Racial  Problems,  pp.  433-438, 
Ethical  Teaching  in  Schools  with  Regard  to  Races.”  1911. 
World  Peace  Foundation,  Boston. 

PERIODICALS 

“Christianity  and  Internationalism,”  by  K.  Kaneko.  Biblical 
World,  Chicago.  Vol.  XLV,  361,  362,  June,  1915. 

“Our  Nation’s  Duty  to  Japan,”  by  D.  Scudder.  The  Friend, 
Honolulu,  June,  1913. 


98 


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General 

Abbott,  James  Francis.  Japanese  Expansion  and  American 
Policies,  1916.  Macmillan  Co.,  New  York. 

Aliens,  Protection  of,  reports  of  Committee  of  Lake  Mohonk 
Conference  on  International  Arbitration,  viz ; 

“Treaty  Obligations  and  Protection  of  Aliens,”  by  George  G. 
Wilson,  p.  189,  Proceedings  of  1913. 

“Federal  Protection  of  Aliens  in  the  United  States,”  by 
William  H.  Short,  p.  74,  Proceedings  of  1914. 

“Protection  by  the  United  States  of  the  Rights  of  Aliens,”  by 
Simeon  E.  Baldwin,  p.  148,  Proceedings  of  1915. 

“Chinese  and  Japanese  in  America.”  Annals  of  the  American 
Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science.  No.  114,  Septem- 
ber, 1909. 

Aubert,  L.  Americains  et  Japonais.  1908.  Colin,  Paris. 

Bell,  H.  T.  M.  and  Woodhead,  H.  G.  M.  China  Year  Book 
Since  1912.  George  Routledge  & Sons,  London. 

Blakeslee,  George  H.  “China  and  the  Far  East.”  Clark  Uni- 
versity Conference,  1910.  T.  Y.  Crowell  & Co.,  New  York. 

Blakeslee,  George  H.  “Japan  and  Japanese-American  Relations.” 
Clark  University  Conference,  1912.  G.  E.  Stechert  & Co., 
New  York. 

Br3’ce,  James.  The  Relations  of  the  Advanced  and  Backward 
Races  of  Mankind.  1902.  Clarendon  Press,  Oxford. 

“Report  on  the  Japanese  in  California.”  Biennial  Reports,  1913- 
Bureau  of  Labor,  Sacramento. 

Coman,  P.  Contract  Labor  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  1903. 
Macmillan  Co.,  New  York. 

Coolidge,  Archibald  C.  The  United  States  as  a World  Power. 
1912.  Macmillan  Co.,  New  York. 

Coolidge,  M.  R.  Chinese  Immigration.  1909.  Henry  Holt  & 
Co.,  New  York. 

Collier,  Hiram  Price.  The  West  in  the  East.  1911.  Charles 
Scribner’s  Sons,  New  York. 

De  Forest,  John  H.  “The  Truth  About  Japan.”  World  Peace 
Foundation.  Boston.  1912. 

Eliot,  Charles  W.  “Japanese  Characteristics.”  1913.  _ American 
Association  for  International  Conciliation,  New  York. 

Eliot,  Charles  W.  “Some  Roads  Toward  Peace.”  1912.  Carnegie 
Endowment  for  International  Peace,  Washington. 

Finot,  Jean.  Race  Prejudice.  1906.  E.  P.  Dutton  & Co.,  New 
York. 

Foster,  John  W.  American  Diplomacy  in  the  Orient.  1903. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  & Co.,  Boston. 

Franklin,  F.  G.  “The  Legislative  History  of  Naturalization  in 
the  United  States.”  American  Historical  Reports,  Washing- 
ton. Vol.  I,  299-317. 


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Graham,  John  W.  Evolution  and  Empire.  1912.  Headley  Bros., 
London. 

Grose,  H.  B.  Aliens  or  Americans?  1906.  Missionary  Educa- 
tion Movement,  New  York. 

Gulick,  Sidney  L.  The  American-Japanese  Problem.  191.4. 

Charles  Scribner’s  Sons,  New  York. 

Gulick,  Sidney  L.  The  Fight  for  Peace.  1915.  F.  H.  Revell 
Co.,  New  York. 

Gulick,  Sidney  L.  The  White  Peril  in  the  Far  East.  1905.  F.  H. 
Revell  Co.,  New  York. 

Hall,  P.  F.  Immigration ; and  Its  Effect  upon  the  United  States. 

1906.  Henry  Holt  & Co.,  New  York. 

Hobson,  J.  A.  Imperialism:  A Study.  1905.  Constable  & Co., 
London. 

Hourwich,  I.  A.  Immigration  and  Labor.  1912.  G.  P.  Putnam’s 
Sons,  New  York. 

Hulbert,  Homer  B.  The  Passing  of  Korea.  1906.  Doubleday, 
Page  & Co.,  New  York. 

Immigration  Laws  of  the  United  States,  “Revised  Federal 
Statutes.’’  Washington. 

Ichihashi,  Y.  Japanese  Immigration.  1915.  Marshall  Press, 
San  Francisco. 

Jenks,  Jeremiah,  and  Lauck,  W.  J.  The  Immigration  Problem. 

1912.  Funk  & Wagnalls,  New  York. 

Jordan,  David  Starr.  War  and  Waste.  1913.  Doubleday,  Page 
& Co.,  New  York. 

Kawakami,  Kiyoshi  K.  American-Japanese  Relations.  1912.  F. 
H.  Revell  Co.,  New  York. 

Kawakami,  Kiyoshi  K.  Asia  at  the  Door.  1914.  F.  H.  Revell 
Co.,  New  York. 

Lea,  Homer.  The  Valor  of  Ignorance.  1909.  Harper  & Bros., 
New  York. 

Martin,  W.  A.  P.  The  Awakening  of  China.  1907.  Doubleday, 
Page  & Co.,  New  York. 

Masaoka,  Naoichi.  Japan’s  Message  to  America.  1915.  G.  P. 
Putnam’s  Sons.  New  York. 

Millard,  Thomas  F.  America  and  the  Far  Eastern  Question. 

1909.  Moffatt,  Yard  & Co.,  New  York. 

Millard,  Thomas  F.  The  New  Far  East.  1906.  Charles  Scrib- 
ner’s Sons,  New  York. 

Minis,  H.  A.  The  Japanese  Problem  in  the  United  States.  1915. 
Macmillan  Co.,  New  York. 

Nitobe,  I.  The  Intercourse  Between  the  United  States  and  Japan. 

1891.  Johns  Hopkins  Press,  Baltimore. 

Okuma,  Count,  et  al.  Fifty  Years  of  New  Japan.  1909.  E.  P. 
Dutton  & Co.,  New  York. 

Porter,  Robert  P.  The  Full  Recognition  of  Japan.  1911.  Henry 
Frowde,  London. 


100 


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Ray,  Mary  Katherine.  The  Immigration  Problem.  1909.  Wis- 
consin Free  Library  Commission,  Madison. 

Reinsch,  Paul  S Intellectual  and  Political  Currents  in  the  Far 
East.  1911.  Houghton,  Mifflin  & Co.,  Boston. 

Reinsch,  Paul  S.  World  Politics  as  Influenced  by  the  Oriental 
Situation.  1900.  Macmillan  Co.,  New  York. 

Roberts,  P.  The  Immigrant  Races  in  North  America.  1910. 
Association  Press,  New  York. 

Roosevelt,  T.  Fifth  Annual  Message  to  Congress,  December  5, 
1905.  In  James  D.  Richardson’s  Alessages  and  Papers  of  the 
Presidents,  Vol.  X,  7386.  1910.  Bureau  of  National  Litera- 
ture and  Art,  Washington. 

Royce,  J.  Race  Questions,  Provincialism  and  Other  American 
Problems.  1908.  Macmillan  Co.,  New  York. 

Russell,  Lindsa3'.  America  to  Japan.  1915.  G.  P.  Putnam’s 
Sons,  New  York. 

Scherer,  J.  A.  B.  The  Japanese  Crisis.  1916.  Frederick  A. 
Stokes  Co.,  New  York. 

Shriver,  William  P.  Immigrant  Forces.  1913.  Missionarj'  Edu- 
cation Movement,  New  York. 

Smith,  Richmond  Mayo.  Emigration  and  Immigration.  1908. 

Charles  Scribner’s  Sons,  New  York. 

Spiller,  G.  Inter-Racial  Problems.  First  Universal  Races  Con- 
gress, London,  1911.  World  Peace  Foundation,  Boston. 
Steiner,  E.  A.  On  the  Trail  of  the  Immigrant.  1906.  F.  H. 
Re  veil  Co.,  New  York. 

Steiner,  E.  A.  The  Immigrant  Tide.  1913.  F.  H.  Revell  Co., 
New  York. 

Steiner,  E.  A.  From  Alien  to  Citizen.  1914.  F.  H.  Revell  Co., 
New  York. 

Streightoff,  F.  H.  The  Standard  of  Living  Among  the  Indus- 
trial People  of  America.  1911.  Houghton,  Mifflin  & Co., 
Boston. 

Taft,  William  H.  The  United  States  and  Peace.  1914-  Charles 
Scribner’s  Sons,  New  York. 

Uyehara,  G.  E.  The  Political  Development  of  Japan.  1910. 

E.  P.  Dutton  & Co.,  New  York. 

Walker,  F.  Discussions  in  Economics  and  Statistics.  1899. 
Henry  Holt  & Co.,  New  York. 

Weak,  B.  L.  Putnam.  The  Coming  Struggle  in  Eastern  Asia. 

1908.  Macmillan  Co.,  New  York. 

Weak,  B.  L.  Putnam.  The  Conflict  of  Color.  1910.  Macmillan 
Co.,  New  York. 

For  articles  dealing  with  these  subjects,  attention  is  called  to 
the  Journal  of  Race  Development,  published  by  Clark  University, 
Worcester,  Massachusetts,  and  edited  by  George  H.  Blakeske 
and  G.  Stanley  Hall. 


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